Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim now stands at a crossroads. His coalition government includes former cabinet members who were complicit in the convicted felon, Najib Abdul Razak’s 1MDB abuses.
These are not mere individuals; they are structural enablers whose presence undermines the credibility of governance.
With the High Court ruling that Najib is guilty on all four counts of abuse of power and all 21 money laundering charges linked to the 1MDB scandal, will Anwar clean house?
According to the latest official cabinet list announced this December, Anwar's coalition government includes:
Ahmad Zahid Hamidi: Deputy prime minister I, a senior Umno-Baru leader and coalition partner.
Fadillah Yusof: Deputy prime minister II, another senior coalition figure.
Azalina Othman Said: Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department (Law and Institutional Reform).
Zambry Abd Kadir: Higher education minister.
Noraini Ahmad: Plantation and commodities minister.
Johari Abdul Ghani: Investment, trade and industry minister.
These appointments may reflect continuity in personnel drawn from the Umno-Baru/BN political network, but they also represent senior figures from the political establishment that presided over and tolerated the era in which 1MDB flourished.
How can public trust be rebuilt when those who allowed billions to be siphoned into private accounts remain in positions of authority? Neither can we trust a government that tolerates pardons, house arrests and discounts for jail sentences and fines, for the most serious crime involving a PM in Malaysia?
Didn't Anwar campaign on a promise for reform and on an anti-corruption drive? His coalition must not only prosecute wrongdoing but also preemptively clean the house.
Cabinet members who were part of Najib’s administration and complicit in abuse of power should step down or be removed.
This is not about vengeance. It is about restoring institutional integrity, reinforcing civic trust, and demonstrating that ethical governance cannot coexist with figures who have historically tolerated corruption.
A Netflix drama
For years, Malaysians watched a story so improbable it belonged on a Netflix set: billions of ringgit allegedly “donated” by a distant Arab monarch, landing directly in a former prime minister’s personal accounts.
We, the rakyat, knew it was a lie. International observers knew it too. Yet, for years, the narrative persisted, repeated by those who should have safeguarded transparency and accountability.
The High Court's declaration that the Arab donation letters were forgeries is not really a revelation, but is more of a validation of what the public had long known.
Malaysians are not stupid. We know that fantasy cannot be a substitute for governance.
The verdict should be a clarion call, not just about the past, but about the present structure of power. Malaysians will remember that when Najib’s deputy and a former attorney-general were swiftly removed for “misconduct”, the message then was clear: accountability matters.
However, today, the coalition includes former cabinet members who were complicit in Najib’s abuses.
The absurdity of the Arab donation narrative was not limited to Najib himself. It was amplified by a network of allies, bureaucrats, and political operatives who allowed the story to persist unchecked.
Systems failed because structural oversight failed. Courts ultimately vindicated common sense, but at what cost? Millions were spent on trials that should have been straightforward; years of public attention were consumed by a narrative that never deserved it.
That the coalition government continues to house individuals who either facilitated or ignored these abuses only prolongs the shadow of complicity.
The harm done was not only financial. It was political and institutional. It weakened public trust, muddied civic expectations, and emboldened a culture whereby power protected power.
Now that the courts have spoken, public focus rightly shifts from the conviction of one individual to the structures that let such abuses take root.
Restoring credibility
To restore credibility, Anwar must act decisively. Former Umno-Baru figures who served under Najib, and who tolerated or benefited from misappropriation of public funds, cannot remain in office without calling into question the government’s ethical foundation.
Political expedience and coalition-building are insufficient excuses when the nation’s civic conscience and institutional legitimacy are at stake. The public must see that governance is not negotiable, that integrity is non-transferable, and that complicity carries consequences.
If the coalition government wishes to reclaim legitimacy, it must remove those who contributed to or ignored systemic abuse.
Swift removal of a deputy and AG demonstrated the precedent; the same standard must now apply across the cabinet. Only then can Malaysians have confidence that the government acts in the service of the public, rather than perpetuating old compromises.
The Arab donation farce extends beyond Najib himself. Family members and associates who benefited from ill-got gains, such as Rosmah Mansor and Riza Aziz, represent a broader question of accountability.
The lesson is ongoing: governance cannot rely on fantasy. Malaysians knew the lie, so now the system should act truthfully.
The coalition government must signal that benefiting from corruption carries consequences, reinforcing a culture where no one, neither political allies, family, nor enablers, is above systemic accountability.
We know that coalition governments require negotiation and compromise, but if Malaysia’s political leadership wants to convey credible reform and institutional renewal, then maintaining a cabinet heavily populated by figures tied to the pre‑2018 political establishment sends the wrong signal.
The call to action is unmistakable: Anwar must clean house, not out of spite, but to restore faith in governance, to strengthen institutions, and to signal to all Malaysians that no one is beyond accountability. - Mkini
MARIAM MOKHTAR is a defender of the truth, the admiral-general of the Green Bean Army, and the president of the Perak Liberation Organisation (PLO). Blog, X.
The views expressed here are those of the author/contributor and do not necessarily represent the views of MMKtT.
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