Bersatu, despite its monoethnic bias, was seen as a bridge between PN and the non-Malays.

From P Ramasamy
The uneasiness between PAS and Bersatu might have predated the Perlis political crisis; nonetheless, the latter provided the catalyst for the resignation of Muhyiddin Yassin as Perikatan Nasional (PN) chairman, to be followed by the Bersatu heads of PN in various states, including its secretary-general, Azmin Ali.
The conflict between the two political parties had simmered over a period of time over a variety of political issues.
PAS’s dominance in terms of its electoral support and its number of MPs and state assembly representatives is superior to Bersatu. However, in terms of experience and national exposure, Bersatu has an edge over PAS.
I do not think there is anyone in PAS who can match the experience and national exposure of Muhyiddin, a long-time federal minister and former prime minister.
Similarly, Azmin, a former Selangor menteri besar and federal minister, is an important figure in Bersatu and the opposition coalition of PN.
In comparison, PAS, despite having an electoral edge over Bersatu, was agreeable to Muhyiddin leading PN.
However, politics being what it is, the imbalance between PAS and Bersatu, in terms of experience, political ideology, and other factors, became a source of friction.
Two developments brought the conflict between PAS and Bersatu into the open, leading to the resignations of Muhyiddin and others.
The first was the role of Bersatu elected representatives in undermining the Perlis menteri besar, leading to his resignation.
The subsequent appointment of a Bersatu candidate as the new menteri besar added to the friction.
On a broader level, Umno’s unhappiness with the Madani government in general, in particular over how former prime minister Najib Razak has been treated, became another source of tension.
The failure of Najib to obtain house arrest was a source of tremendous concern among Umno members.
It was in this context that comments by some DAP leaders hailing the denial of Najib’s house arrest bid as a victory to be celebrated outraged the Umno leadership, to the extent that there were calls for Umno to revive Muafakat Nasional (MN) to accommodate PAS.
This was seen as an attempt by Umno to cut ties with DAP once and for all.
If MN had been revived between Umno and PAS, it would have dealt a major blow to the present ruling coalition, with DAP pushed to the political margins.
Even if Bersatu had welcomed the idea of DAP being pushed out of government, the revival of MN would have been a direct affront to Bersatu’s continued prominence in Malaysian politics.
If MN were revived, PAS might well have said good-bye to Bersatu by embracing Umno.
There was certainly quick thinking on the part of Muhyiddin in jettisoning the idea of MN’s revival by resigning as chairman of PN.
While there are claims that Muhyiddin’s resignation has strengthened PN, it is unquestionable that his departure has left a void in the opposition.
How PAS and Bersatu leaders are going to heal the rift remains uncertain.
Elections, both state and federal, may not be too far away. PN, as the next alternative government, appears to be in tatters.
The very idea of reviving MN between Umno and PAS may have damaged the prospects of PN emerging as the next credible alternative government.
In this way, Bersatu, despite its monoethnic bias, was seen as a bridge between PN and the non-Malays in the country.
The non-Malays, given the extreme views of PAS, are more comfortable with Bersatu leaders like Muhyiddin and Azmin.
Now with both of these leaders out of PN, there might be difficulty in establishing ties with the non-Malays in the country.
Anyway, there is nothing to prevent Muhyiddin from strengthening and broadening the larger opposition coalition of Ikatan Prihatin Rakyat. - FMT
P Ramasamy is the chairman of Urimai.
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of MMKtT.
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