YOURSAY | ‘Harapan's mistake is assuming good reforms automatically translate into good politics.’
COMMENT | Harapan must return to reforms even if it’s too late to fight BN-PN tide in GE16
Nada Villa: The reforms proposed are worthwhile, but they risk appealing mainly to the urban middle-class "Bangsar bubble" while missing what many ordinary voters were actually angry about.
Negeri Sembilan was not decided solely by debates over institutional reform.
Many voters were frustrated by issues affecting their daily lives - the cost of living, livelihoods, local enforcement, perceived unfairness, and cultural or religious controversies that became emotionally charged during the campaign.
Pakatan Harapan's mistake is assuming that good reforms automatically translate into good politics. They do not.
Reform must be felt in people's daily lives, not just celebrated in policy forums.
If Harapan wants reforms to resonate before the 16th general election, it must connect institutional change with tangible improvements to people's livelihoods while addressing local grievances honestly and consistently.
Otherwise, reform will remain a compelling slogan for policy circles but a distant abstraction for many voters.
Salvage Malaysia: One factor that analysts have overlooked is the anger among business owners.
Small and medium enterprises are struggling under an expanding list of rules, regulations and compliance requirements. Many feel they are being squeezed while trying to keep their businesses afloat.
The Inland Revenue Board and Customs Department are also perceived as aggressively pursuing revenue collection.
Is this really the image of a caring Madani government?
Exile: As an economist, Ong Kian Ming has consistently emphasised evidence-based policymaking, institutional reform and electoral strategy.
That approach appeals to policy-minded supporters but does not always translate into influence within a party where organisational networks and grassroots support remain essential.
He has argued that the party needs to broaden its electoral appeal, rethink aspects of its strategy and confront difficult realities about coalition politics.
Such openness is valued in academia but can be uncomfortable within a governing political party seeking to project unity.
Under secretary-general Anthony Loke, DAP has prioritised presenting itself as a stable partner in the Madani government. Public strategic debates, especially after electoral setbacks, may be viewed as distracting from that objective.
Ultimately, the question is what DAP wants to become. Ong has consistently advocated a programmatic, social democratic party with broader multiethnic appeal.
DAP's electoral success, however, has largely rested on mobilising voters around representation, governance and constitutional issues. Reconciling those approaches is not straightforward.
If identity politics gradually gives way to competition over economic policy, productivity, public services and institutional reform, demand for leaders with Ong's technocratic strengths could grow.
If not, organisational politics and identity-based mobilisation are likely to remain dominant.
In that sense, Ong's position reflects a wider tension in Malaysian politics between technocratic governance and electoral mobilisation - a tension that extends well beyond DAP.
BusinessFirst: I totally agree with Ong’s comment piece.
As early as November 2023, Merdeka Centre warned that 60 percent of respondents felt the country was heading in the wrong direction, while Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim's own approval rating had fallen significantly.
His response was to dismiss the survey because it only polled about 1,000 people, saying he was prime minister for 32 million Malaysians.
After defeats in three states, what is the response? Sabah is unique. Parti Bersama Malaysia split the vote in Johor. Race politics dominated Negeri Sembilan.
Has it occurred to the government that people may simply be unhappy with its performance?
There has been too much talk and too little action. Reforms have stalled. Equal allocations remain unresolved. There are still no local council elections or greater local autonomy.
Questions over selective prosecution, accountability involving the police and the MACC, and controversies surrounding appointments to the Attorney-General's Chambers and the judiciary have further undermined confidence.
Milshah: Congratulations to Ong for correctly predicting the Johor and Negeri Sembilan election results. Many commentators criticised your prediction and even called you ungrateful to DAP, but it turned out to be accurate.
Your closing remark interested me. It reads more like a wasiat (last testament) than a solution: "Pushing for these reforms is the right thing for Harapan to do even if it ends up in the opposition post-GE16. The long-suffering Harapan supporters deserve as much."
I have reached the same conclusion. The green wave has continued to grow. Whether Anwar can reverse the tide remains to be seen.
Just Common Sense: What reforms?
Umno can simply block Madani's reform agenda while the public blames the government for failing to deliver. That is the fundamental flaw.
If reforms were truly a priority, they should have been negotiated and agreed upon with Umno before the unity government was formed, rather than relying solely on the post-election royal decree.
That is how coalition governments are supposed to function.
Drngsc: It may already be too late to save Harapan.
Even if all the high-profile discharge not amounting to acquittal cases were revisited, the political damage may already have been done.
After more than a decade, PKR and Amanah have still failed to significantly expand their support among Malay voters.
DAP should consider leaving Harapan, continue pushing for reforms from the opposition, rebuild its support base, acknowledge its mistakes and demonstrate that it has learnt from them.
Malaysia is entering an era of coalition politics while identity politics continues to dominate. That combination risks encouraging corruption and the pursuit of power for personal gain. - Mkini
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