Malayan Tigress: A multiracial squad, one dream - to make the nation proud

 

From Malays, Chinese, and Indians to other ethnic communities, the Malayan Tigress U17 squad embodies an idea that seems increasingly lost amid the din of division: Malaysia’s diversity can be a source of strength.

The young footballers shared a common goal – to make the nation proud by qualifying for a major Asian tournament for the first time.

Along the way, they found themselves cheered on by Malaysians from different racial backgrounds, turning their campaign into something bigger than football.

Their dream fell short when Malaysia lost 0-4 to India in their decisive Group E match in the qualifiers for the 2027 AFC U17 Women’s Asian Cup.

But the disappointment was tempered by the knowledge that their journey had brought Malaysians together.

“We are not just fighting for ourselves or our teammates. We are fighting for our country and every Malaysian who has placed their trust in us.

“That is what makes football special,” said forward Keisha Adeliena Khalid, 15, daughter of former national footballer Khalid Jamlus.

Keisha told Malaysiakini that the squad’s mix of ethnic backgrounds, including Malays, Indians, and Chinese, was one of its unique strengths.

She was particularly heartened to see supporters from different communities rally behind the team.

A dream within reach

The Malayan Tigress squad had appeared on course for a historic achievement after winning their first two Group E matches at the Selayang Municipal Council Stadium in Selangor.

Malaysia edged Syria 1-0 before beating Iraq 4-0, setting up a decisive encounter with India for a place in the final tournament in China.

However, the 0-4 defeat left Malaysia second in the group, while India topped the standings to secure qualification.

For Isabella Saffiya O’Luanaigh, 14, the disappointment was immense. The midfielder said every player wanted to prove that Malaysia’s U17 squad could compete against the continent’s best.

“Of course, we were very disappointed because we were just a little short of qualifying. We all tried our very best to make Malaysia proud,” she said.

The granddaughter of celebrity chef Redzuawan Ismail, better known as Chef Wan, said the defeat had strengthened the players’ resolve to be better prepared.

“We also learned that we must never become complacent because there will always be teams that are better than us. That is why we have to work harder.

“We need to put in more effort and train harder,” she said, expressing hope that the squad would one day be able to stand shoulder to shoulder with India, Japan, and the Philippines.

Tears and nerves

For Keisha, the defeat was one of the most painful experiences of her young career. She said she cried for two consecutive days after the dream of competing at the Asian level slipped away.

“It was one of the worst disappointments I have ever felt,” she added.

The pain was compounded by how close the team had come to achieving its goal.

“We didn’t just want to make history for ourselves, but more importantly, for everyone who supported us.

“We truly appreciate the support and resilience of everyone who came to watch us grow into the team we are today,” she said.

For goalkeeper Putri Aina Husna Subri, the challenge was not just to keep India’s attackers at bay but also to overcome her own nerves.

Coached by Takayoshi Ishihara, the squad had never faced India before and was unsure of what to expect from their opponents.

“Of course, I was nervous because, without any experience playing against India, we didn’t know their tactics or style of play.

“But for the country, we have to face whatever challenges come our way. Whatever we are feeling, we have to put it aside. The important thing is to get out there and fight first. We just did whatever we could,” Putri said.

Her performance between the posts proved crucial, as she made several saves to prevent an even heavier defeat, while India restricted Malaysia’s opportunities to launch dangerous attacks.

A crowd to remember

Despite the defeat, Putri took away a positive memory from the experience: the turnout and enthusiasm of the home crowd.

“We had never seen so many fans before, not like that night. When we played against India that day, even people we had never met before wanted to take pictures with us. It was really exciting and touching,” she said.

One detail remained especially vivid. The electronic scoreboard had displayed the number of spectators, and Putri remembered the figure clearly: 2,664.

“The number of spectators was displayed on the big TV screen. I really remember that figure,” she said, describing the turnout as one of her best memories with the national team.

For a squad that had fallen just short of making history, the support was a reminder that its impact extended beyond the result on the pitch.

The Asian dream will have to wait. But the campaign showed how football can bring Malaysians of different backgrounds together, united by a common hope for the national team. - Mkini

Malaysia's debt: Keep calm, keep count

 

 Malaysia’s federal debt increased by RM441.2 billion between the end of 2020 and the end of 2025. That is a substantial sum. It deserves an explanation that neither exaggerates the danger nor understates the obligations it creates.

The Finance Ministry figures put the debt stock at RM879.6 billion at the beginning of this period and RM1.32 trillion at its close.

A rising debt figure does not, by itself, establish fiscal distress. Equally, a declining deficit does not mean that debt has stopped accumulating. Public confidence requires clear explanation of these distinctions.

Borrowing can support development, while economic growth can improve repayment capacity. But the strength of that relationship depends on what the borrowing finances and how effectively a growing economy generates government revenue. Malaysia’s debt discussion must examine both.

The arithmetic must add up

One explanation circulating in public discussion attributes the increase in debt to development expenditure, with the remainder assigned to pandemic support. The broad proposition is plausible.

Development and emergency assistance both required substantial resources. The precise allocation, however, cannot be established simply by subtracting development spending from the increase in outstanding debt.

A proper reconciliation must account for revenue remaining after operating expenditure, repayments of loans previously extended by the government, expenditure through the Covid-19 fund, changes in cash balances and debt valuation adjustments. Expenditure, annual deficits, net borrowing and changes in the debt stock are related, but they are not interchangeable.

The accounting period matters too. Debt already outstanding at the end of 2020 belongs in the opening balance. An explanation of subsequent accumulation must distinguish existing obligations from additional financing undertaken during 2021–2025.

The purpose of this scrutiny is straightforward: the explanation should follow the accounts. An arithmetic remainder cannot, without supporting records, establish where the money went. Transparent reconciliation protects confidence in legitimate spending and makes weaknesses easier to correct.

Gross borrowing also includes funds used to replace maturing debt. When a bond is repaid through an equivalent new issue, the principal effect is refinancing. It does not, by itself, reduce the budget deficit. Similarly, borrowing and fiscal balances must cover matching periods before differences between them can be meaningfully reconciled.

The public deserves an account that connects financing to expenditure and, ultimately, to results.

A development plan is not a debt forecast

The same discipline should govern projections. The RM430 billion development allocation under the 13th Malaysia Plan sets out intended expenditure over 2026–2030. It does not automatically imply RM430 billion in additional debt.

Development can be financed partly from revenue remaining after operating expenditure and from repayments of government loans. Actual borrowing also depends on implementation, revenue performance and cash management.

The Finance Ministry’s original estimates for 2026 illustrate the distinction. Gross development expenditure of RM81 billion became RM79.5 billion after loan recoveries. A projected RM4.9 billion surplus of federal revenue over operating expenditure then reduced the overall deficit to approximately RM74.6 billion.

These original estimates illustrate the accounting relationship; they should not be mistaken for the latest revised fiscal position.

Adding RM430 billion to the end-2025 debt stock therefore produces a conditional scenario of approximately RM1.75 trillion by 2030. It does not establish a forecast.

A credible projection must show the annual financing assumptions connecting the starting debt stock to the eventual outcome.

A smaller deficit still creates financing needs. A falling deficit-to-GDP ratio can therefore coexist with rising debt. Whether that debt remains manageable depends on economic growth, financing costs and the government’s capacity to collect revenue.

Guarantees require similar precision. Direct federal debt, commitments already requiring government support and contingent liabilities should be distinguished.

Guarantees can expose future budgets to additional costs, but treating every guarantee as an immediate federal debt obligation would obscure the nature of the risk.

Confidence must be earned

The revenue side deserves greater attention. The Finance Ministry’s revenue composition chart shows federal receipts falling from 22.3 percent of GDP in 2009 to a baseline estimate of 16.4 percent in 2027. Petroleum-related revenue accounts for the principal change, declining from 9.2 to 2.6 percent of GDP. The 2027 estimate excludes the effects of new budget measures.

By subtraction, non-petroleum revenue increases from approximately 13.1 to 13.8 percent of GDP. That modest improvement leaves much of the reduced petroleum contribution unreplaced. These figures describe revenue relative to the economy; they do not imply that receipts have fallen continuously in ringgit terms.

This distinction is consequential. A larger economy can support a lower debt ratio while the government collects a smaller share of national income. Growth remains essential, but its fiscal benefits depend on the composition of activity, the tax framework and effective collection. The Treasury’s capacity to finance service cannot be inferred from GDP growth alone.

The consequences are tangible. Projected debt service charges of approximately RM61 billion in 2027 represent about 13.3 percent of federal expenditure and 16 percent of projected revenue. These commitments narrow the resources available for other priorities, even when debt remains serviceable.

Credit ratings provide valuable external assessments. S&P’s sovereign methodology considers debt relative to GDP, interest costs relative to government revenue, and the structure and accessibility of financing. A maintained rating offers reassurance about creditworthiness; it does not remove fiscal constraints.

For households, those constraints become real through choices about healthcare, education, infrastructure and emergency assistance. Fiscal discipline must therefore encompass dependable revenue as well as careful spending. Better compliance, scrutiny of ineffective tax concessions and a broader revenue base should proceed alongside protection for vulnerable households.

Expenditure quality remains central. Schools, hospitals and transport infrastructure can strengthen productive capacity and public welfare. Their value depends on sound selection, competitive procurement, timely completion and adequate staffing and maintenance. A development classification does not guarantee a worthwhile return.

Borrowing can protect livelihoods during a crisis and finance benefits extending across generations. Future Malaysians will inherit both the obligations incurred today and the assets they finance. Our responsibility is to ensure that those assets and their benefits justify the obligations.

The appropriate response is neither panic nor complacency. It is disciplined scrutiny: of what is borrowed, what it finances and what it delivers. The strongest reassurance is a government that can demonstrate that today’s debt is building tomorrow’s capacity to prosper - and to pay. - Mkini

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SAMIRUL ARIFF OTHMAN is an economist and adjunct lecturer with Universiti Teknologi Petronas.

The views expressed here are those of the author/contributor and do not necessarily represent the views of MMKtT

Youth must be able to criticise without fear of 'offending'

 

 What does our culture say about calling out wrongdoing and disagreeing with something, such as opposing corruption? Does it say we need to sugarcoat our words to lessen the blow, as if we are afraid of offending people?

For example, was it wrong when Universiti Malaya student Ummi Umairah Bakhit expressed how she felt at a Higher Education Ministry-backed dialogue that people who support someone guilty of corruption are stupid?

Was she supposed to be more polite, choose nicer words and only subtly hint at the issue, instead of just being direct? Would that have been more our culture?

With all due respect, I don’t think so. Why should someone who has every right to express her opinion against corruption and abuse of power be more “kias-kias” (speak figuratively)? If someone is angry, then the expression should be anger.

Ummi is a young student with so much at stake in relation to the future of the country and how it is governed. Understandably, she feels strongly about this issue. She and her generation will be inheriting all of this.

She is not stepping out of line because the country needs more people like her, brave enough to demand that our society be better and to call out the bad attitude of defending wrongdoing.

We do not want to discourage the youth from being passionately idealistic. In fact, that youthful vigour and spunk, or what the Malay term “darah muda” (young blood) refers to, is exactly what we want from the youth because their energy is what will bring change.

Just a reminder

What Ummi (above) said should be seen as a reminder to those in power that they won’t stand for wrongdoing. It should not be seen as a challenge, except against those who are guilty, as the Malay saying goes, “Siapa makan cili, dia rasa pedas” (who eats chilli, will taste the spiciness).

Even during the dialogue itself, the panellists, consisting of former minister Khairy Jamaluddin, Selangor Menteri Besar Amirudin Shari and Johor Menteri Besar Onn Hafiz Ghazi, responded positively to her statement. They lauded her statement.

Later on, Deputy Higher Education Minister Adam Adli Abdul Halim, who was himself a student activist back in the day, also defended Ummi. He stressed that students should be given freedom to challenge and question authority.

Educational institutions need to be safe spaces for our youth to voice their concerns. It should be an environment that encourages debate and discourse, as this will facilitate learning and education.

Adam said students need to be moulded into independent thinkers who can lead the country, not mindless followers and yes-men. He said that his ministry will continue to uphold and defend students’ freedom.

Empty rhetoric?

All this is also in line with Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s recent statement where he said that there is no wrong in students criticising him or the government. He added that it is the responsibility of the leaders to respond to criticism.

A few months ago, he said the government plans to fully repeal the Universities and University Colleges Act 1971 as he wants students to have greater freedom in democratic participation.

Just like Adam, Anwar was also a prominent student leader in the 1970s at Universiti Malaya. Back in the day, he had also been detained by the authorities under the now-repealed Internal Security Act.

Let’s hope the leaders today stay true to their word, and it does not just remain empty rhetoric. All of us must realise that to have a progressive and mature society, we need to let our youth progress and mature as well.

Our youth need to be free to criticise and question policies and current affairs because they have a right to develop the country that they will live in and govern. They need to be able to do that without fear of backlash or intimidation, and without having to worry about withholding their tongue or sugarcoating in fear of “offending” people. - Mkini

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ZAN AZLEE is a writer, documentary filmmaker, journalist and academic. Visit fatbidin.com to view his work.

The views expressed here are those of the author/contributor and do not necessarily represent the views of MMKtT

Plot yang gagal: Kupasan Negeri Sembilan

 Semoga Negeri Sembilan kembali berpijak di landasan ketamadunan, kedaulatan undang-undang tanpa sebarang halangan daripada mereka yang melanggar sumpah jawatan.

Semuanya bermula di Luak Sungai Ujong. Dicetuskan oleh perselisihan dalaman luak mereka sendiri—merangkumi pergeseran keluarga dan kontroversi integriti yang tidak lagi dapat dibendung—seorang ketua luak yang telah lama memegang jawatan mendapati dirinya dilanda ribut.

Antara tuduhan serius dilemparkan terhadapnya termasuklah pemalsuan dokumen awam, khususnya sijil nikah, serta penganjuran solat Jumaat di kediaman di dalam sebuah bilik yang dilaporkan tidak dapat menampung bilangan jemaah yang sepatutnya.

Di bawah prinsip Adat Perpatih tanpa kompromi, kedaulatan dan keabsahan bermula dari bawah. Apabila ibu soko dan anak waris menarik balik sokongan dan kepercayaan mereka, mandat seorang ketua luak tamat begitu sahaja. Memegang jawatan selama lebih tiga dekad tidak memberikan sebarang imuniti daripada akauntabiliti. Sebaik sahaja tonggak asas suku tersebut menolaknya, keabsahan adatnya terus lenyap.

Peranan Dewan Keadilan dan Undang

Kita lihat seterusnya pihak berkuasa adat tertinggi di Negeri Sembilan: Dewan Keadilan dan Undang (DKU). Pengesahan rasmi DKU terhadap keputusan luak tersebut bukanlah satu campur tangan, tetapi merupakan satu keperluan pentadbiran yang penting. Memandangkan penamatan perkhidmatan seorang ketua luak membawa implikasi rasmi—termasuk penarikan balik elaun lima angka dan keistimewaan daripada pentadbiran negeri—badan tertinggi ini sekadar mengesahkan secara rasmi keputusan yang telah dibuat oleh luak itu sendiri.

Mencabar keputusan luak melalui saluran undang-undang adalah hak yang sedia diiktiraf; beberapa ketua luak pernah melalui saluran mahkamah pada masa lalu tanpa melanggar batas ketertiban sivik. Namun mencuba untuk meruntuhkan teras perlembagaan negeri atas ketidakpuashatian peribadi adalah perkara yang sama sekali berbeza.

Apabila cita-cita melebihi kepentingan negeri

Situasi menjadi dramatik dan berubah daripada satu pertikaian tempatan melibatkan seorang bekas ketua luak kepada satu penghinaan institusi di peringkat negeri apabila beberapa bekas ketua luak—yang dilarang sama sekali oleh Adat Perpatih daripada campur tangan, namun tetap juga campur tangan—meletakkan cita-cita peribadi melebihi kestabilan negeri. Mereka bersekongkol ke arah rancangan durjana untuk menggulingkan Yang Dipertuan Besar, satu tindakan melampau yang menderhaka dan mencabar kesucian institusi raja Melayu.

Keadaan menjadi lebih parah apabila seorang kerabat diraja junior—yang kemudiannya hilang kedudukan dalam Putera Yang Empat—turut menyertai penderhakaan tersebut. Tanpa sebarang prospek di bawah laluan perlembagaan dan adat, penjajaran ini mendedahkan cubaan menggulingkan raja Melayu secara tidak bertamadun dan caca merba tanpa sebarang asas perundangan.

Lebih memburukkan keadaan, sebuah parti politik yang sejarahnya diharapkan mempertahankan hak orang Melayu dan raja Melayu terjebak pula dalam cabaran secara terbuka terhadap Yang Dipertuan Besar. Ia memuncak apabila exco yang majoritinya daripada entiti politik ini mendabik dada mengumumkan pendirian yang terang-terangan mencabar kedudukan raja Melayu, bahkan menjangkau ke peringkat bersikap bermusuhan dengan perkhidmatan awam negeri.

Perhatikan pula menteri besar—yang berasal dari ceruk desa di Kuala Pilah, diangkat ke jawatan tertinggi atas ihsan Yang Dipertuan Besar sendiri. Namun, dalam masa 24 jam selepas mengangkat sumpah di hadapan raja Melayu, bahkan sebelum sempat memasuki pejabat secara rasmi kerana cuti umum negeri, pen terus ditenyehkan pada deklarasi kontroversi sebagai cubaan mengabsahkan penyingkiran yang tidak sah. Tidak cukup dengan itu, surat menyurat kemudiannya dihantar pula kepada Majlis Raja-Raja untuk mendesak mereka campur tangan bagi menentang raja mereka sendiri—jelas melanggar protokol dan etika tradisi. Majlis Raja-Raja baru-baru ini telah bertegas menolak usaha di luar norma itu dan menegaskan semula autoriti serta bidang kuasa tertinggi yang merujuk kepada DKU di Negeri Sembilan.

Mempertahankan maruah dan kedaulatan undang-undang

Rangkaian peristiwa sebegini pastinya sangat menguji kesabaran seorang raja Melayu. Yang Dipertuan Besar, seorang tokoh berjiwa bapa berusia lewat 70-an, sentiasa memerintah dengan berpandukan perlembagaan.

Justeru, apabila baginda secara terbuka meluahkan rasa dukacita dan kemurkaan di sebuah masjid di Kuala Pilah baru-baru ini, ia mencerminkan kekecewaan yang begitu mendalam daripada seorang raja Melayu yang berdepan dengan penderhakaan terancang yang sangat biadap dan tidak bertamadun daripada rakyat baginda sendiri.

Seperti yang dijangkakan, dalang di disebalik gerakan ini melarikan diri ke media sosial untuk membawa watak kononnya sebagai mangsa, dengan disokong oleh jentera politik.

Kepada entiti politik ini: cukuplah. Negeri ini bukanlah halaman untuk permainan politik.

Kepada anak-anak waris Biduanda di Sungai Ujong, Rembau, dan Jelebu: terima kasih kerana meletakkan kepentingan kolektif Negeri Sembilan mengatasi perselisihan di luak. Dengan perlantikan ketua-ketua luak yang baharu, negeri ini mesti melangkah ke hadapan.

Khusus kepada suku Biduanda di Johol: anda diseru meletakkan taat setia kepada institusi negeri dan bukannya kepada figura ketua luak yang dibebani kontroversi.

Langkah ke hadapan

Bayangan dana besar di sebalik usaha menggugat institusi raja Melayu di Negeri Sembilan ini kekal sebagai rahsia terbuka, dengan persoalan berterusan mengenai aliran kewangan yang menuntut siasatan teliti. Apabila tindakan penderhakaan terlepas daripada hukuman pantas, kepercayaan awam terhadap kredibiliti institusi diuji.

Amat dikesali apabila pihak penguat kuasa—termasuk polis, SKMM, dan badan agama—tidak bertindak berhubung ketidakteraturan yang didokumenkan, seperti pemalsuan dokumen perkahwinan dan perhimpunan agama yang tidak mengikut peraturan, sementara ruang maya pula menyaksikan usaha terkoordinasi untuk memburukkan dan merendahkan institusi diraja.

Di sebalik semua itu, Jabatan Peguam Negara (AGC), setiausaha kerajaan negeri, dan penasihat undang-undang negeri terus berdiri teguh sebagai benteng pertahanan kepada Perlembagaan Persekutuan dan negeri daripada tekanan luar biasa.

Harapan anak negeri tetap teguh: semoga Negeri Sembilan kembali berpijak di landasan ketamadunan, kedaulatan undang-undang tanpa sebarang halangan daripada mereka yang melanggar sumpah jawatan, dan takhta terus berdiri megah tanpa kompromi untuk generasi akan datang. - FMT

Artikel ini adalah pandangan penulis dan tidak semestinya mewakili MMKtT.

Negara tua: Universiti perlu lahir lebih ramai penjaga warga emas

 Kursus jangka pendek bertauliah boleh bantu keluarga menjaga ibu bapa dan membuka peluang pekerjaan sambilan.

Peserta yang menamatkan kursus dan memperoleh sijil boleh diberikan kepercayaan untuk menjaga warga emas sekali gus membantu keluarga yang memerlukan khidmat itu. (Gambar Freepik)

PETALING JAYA:

Universiti perlu memperluas kursus jangka pendek penjagaan warga emas bagi melahirkan lebih ramai penjaga terlatih menjelang Malaysia menjadi negara tua pada 2048, kata Ketua Pegawai Eksekutif Agensi Kelayakan Malaysia (MQA), Mohammad Shatar Sabran.

Beliau berkata, kursus yang disahkan dari segi kualiti itu boleh membantu anak-anak menjaga ibu bapa, selain membuka peluang kepada peserta menawarkan khidmat penjagaan secara sambilan.

“Saya di MQA apa yang telah saya pesan kepada semua universiti adalah menawarkan kursus jangka pendek untuk penjagaan warga tua dan kursus-kursus ini mempunyai verifikasi kualiti,” katanya kepada FMT.

Beliau berkata, peserta yang menamatkan kursus dan memperoleh sijil boleh diberikan kepercayaan untuk menjaga warga emas, sekali gus membantu keluarga yang memerlukan khidmat berkenaan.

Mohammad Shatar Sabran.

Shatar yang juga pakar sosial berkata, model penjagaan mengikut jam seperti yang ditawarkan bagi kanak-kanak juga boleh diterapkan untuk warga emas, mengikut keperluan keluarga.

Katanya, beberapa universiti sudah menawarkan kursus sedemikian, namun pelaksanaannya masih belum meluas dan perlu diperluas bagi memenuhi permintaan.

Pada 5 Okt lalu, Menteri Ekonomi, Akmal Nasrullah Nasir berkata, Malaysia hanya mempunyai tempoh kira-kira 27 tahun untuk membuat persiapan menyeluruh bagi menghadapi status negara tua menjelang 2048, iaitu fasa peralihan jauh lebih pantas berbanding beberapa negara maju.

Katanya, tempoh singkat itu memberi ruang masa terhad kepada kerajaan untuk memperkukuh kesiapsiagaan negara berbanding Perancis yang mengambil 115 tahun, Australia (73 tahun) dan Amerika Syarikat (69 tahun).

Sementara itu, mengulas cadangan NGO Pusat Sumber untuk Kemajuan Masyarakat dan Perumahan (Reach) supaya kerajaan memberi pelepasan cukai pendapatan kepada anak menanggung bayaran sewa atau ansuran pinjaman perumahan ibu bapa bagi meringankan beban kewangan mereka, Shatar berkata insentif tersebut boleh menggalakkan anak mengambil tanggungjawab terhadap kebajikan golongan terbabit, mengeratkan hubungan kekeluargaan dan mengurangkan risiko pengabaian warga emas termasuk kes kematian senyap.

“Kalau hubungan baik dan anak sentiasa mengambil tanggungjawab, mereka akan sentiasa memantau ibu bapa. Sekurang-kurangnya, risiko kes seperti kematian senyap dapat dikurangkan walaupun kita mungkin tidak dapat menghapuskannya secara keseluruhan,” katanya.

Pada 14 Okt lalu, Ketua Penyelaras Reach, Iskandar Samad, berkata cadangan itu selaras usaha kerajaan memperkukuh kebajikan warga emas susulan pengumuman Belanjawan 2027.

Perdana Menteri, Anwar Ibrahim, ketika membentangkan belanjawan itu pada 9 Okt lalu mengumumkan peruntukan RM1.3 bilion bagi bantuan warga emas yang dijangka memanfaatkan hampir 200,000 penerima.

Bagaimanapun, Shatar menegaskan penjagaan warga emas tidak boleh diserahkan sepenuhnya kepada kerajaan, sebaliknya memerlukan kerjasama keluarga, NGO dan masyarakat.

Katanya, kegagalan menyediakan penjagaan sewajarnya juga boleh meningkatkan beban kewangan kerajaan, termasuk kos berkaitan pengurusan kes kematian senyap dan penjagaan di pusat jagaan. - FMT