KUALA LUMPUR: School authorities will take disciplinary action against seven secondary school students in Kajang here following their involvement in a bullying incident that went viral on social media.
Kajang district police chief ACP Naazron Abdul Yusof said the police were alerted to a 47-second video depicting a group of students allegedly verbally bullying a female student.
Investigations showed that the incident happened at about 11.30 am on Thursday (April 16), involving seven students from different classes.
No police report has been received so far.
“The school authorities and a police officer who is the school’s liaison officer held a meeting and engagement session with parents and the guardians of the victim.
“The school has also taken appropriate action against the seven students involved,” he said in a statement on Friday (April 17). – Bernama
Former federal minister Syed Hamid Albar and 6,252 others are also accepted back as Umno members after their applications were approved under the 'Rumah Bangsa' initiative.
Khairy Jamaluddin (left) was expelled in 2023, while Hishammuddin Hussein was suspended for six years over breaches of party discipline.
PETALING JAYA: Former Umno Youth chief Khairy Jamaluddin has been accepted back into Umno, while former vice-president Hishammuddin Hussein’s suspension has been lifted, Umno secretary-general Asyraf Wajdi Dusuki said.
He said in a statement tonight that the decision was made by the party’s Supreme Council under the “Rumah Bangsa” initiative.
Also accepted back are former federal minister Syed Hamid Albar, who left Umno for Bersatu in 2018, and 6,252 former members at various levels.
Khairy was sacked in January 2023 following disciplinary action linked to the 15th general election, while Hishammuddin, who is MP for Sembrong, was suspended for six years in 2023 over alleged breaches of party discipline.
The Rumah Bangsa initiative was launched earlier this year by Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, who said the party’s doors were “unconditionally” open to former members, adding that past differences would be set aside.
Khairy submitted his letter of appeal against his expulsion on March 16.
At tonight’s Supreme Council meeting, Umno leaders outlined plans for the party’s 80th anniversary celebrations on May 1-5, which will include a convention, Bumiputera education congress, entrepreneurship and education carnival, and a special fellowship session with new members.
Hybrid branch-level meetings have been approved for Umno’s Wanita, Youth and Puteri wings, Asyraf added.
On socioeconomic issues, Asyraf said the party has urged Umno-led states of Johor, Melaka, Perak and Pahang to expand assistance to those affected by the rising living costs due to higher fuel prices and global inflation linked to the Middle East conflict. - FMT
THE evolving conflict dynamics in the Red Sea offer more than a distant geopolitical spectacle; they provide a cautionary lesson for maritime states whose prosperity depends on open sea lanes.
According to Michael Horton, co-founder of Red Sea Analytics International, the Houthis’ strategy of “conditional deterrence”, marked by calibrated escalation and restraint, underscores how non-state actors can weaponise geography without necessarily closing critical chokepoints.
For Malaysia, this has direct relevance. The Strait of Malacca, as one of the busiest and most strategically vital waterways in the world, faces similar latent vulnerabilities, even if the actors and context differ.
The Houthis have demonstrated that control over even part of a maritime chokepoint, like the Bab el-Mandeb, can generate disproportionate strategic leverage. By threatening disruption rather than executing it fully, they preserve both deterrence value and operational sustainability.
Their restraint is not weakness but calculation: a recognition that closing the strait outright would provoke overwhelming retaliation while diminishing their own long-term leverage.
(Image: Britannica Kids)
Malaysia must internalise this logic. The Strait of Malacca, which carries roughly a quarter of global trade and a significant share of the world’s energy shipments, is similarly exposed to coercion not only from state actors but also from piracy networks, militant groups, or grey-zone operations.
While the region has largely avoided the kind of sustained conflict seen in the Middle East, it would be a mistake to assume immunity.
A key lesson lies in the concept of “threat as leverage”. The Houthis have discovered that the mere possibility of disruption can alter global shipping patterns, raise insurance costs, and draw in major naval powers. In Southeast Asia, even a limited or symbolic disruption in the Strait of Malacca could have cascading economic effects far beyond the region.
Malaysia, therefore, must think beyond traditional defence postures and consider how to manage both real and perceived threats to maritime security.
This requires deeper cooperation with neighbouring states, particularly Singapore and Indonesia, which together share responsibility for the strait.
Existing mechanisms like coordinated patrols and intelligence-sharing have been effective in reducing piracy, but they may not be sufficient against more complex, politically motivated disruptions.
The Red Sea experience shows that adversaries adapt quickly, blending military tactics with strategic messaging to maximise psychological and economic impact.
Another critical takeaway is resilience. The Houthis’ ability to absorb sustained military pressure while continuing operations highlights the need for redundancy and adaptability in maritime security systems.
(Image: Stratsea)
For Malaysia, this means investing not only in naval capabilities but also in surveillance infrastructure, cyber defence, and port security. It also means ensuring that critical economic functions such as port operations and energy supply chains can withstand temporary disruptions.
Equally important is the diplomatic dimension. The Houthis’ posture is shaped not only by their own calculations but also by the interests of external actors, particularly Iran.
Similarly, the Strait of Malacca exists within a broader strategic environment influenced by major powers, including the United States and China. Malaysia must navigate these dynamics carefully, maintaining neutrality while ensuring that external rivalries do not spill over into its maritime domain.
A purely national approach will not suffice. The strait’s security is inherently multilateral, and any credible strategy must involve coordinated policies among littoral states. This includes not only military cooperation but also unified messaging.
One of the risks highlighted by the Red Sea situation is miscalculation, where multiple actors, each pursuing their own objectives, inadvertently trigger escalation. Clear communication channels and shared rules of engagement can help mitigate this risk in Southeast Asia.
There is also a domestic dimension that Malaysia cannot ignore. The Houthis’ strategic behaviour is partly shaped by internal pressures: economic constraints, factional divisions, and the need to maintain political legitimacy.
While Malaysia’s context is vastly different, internal stability remains a prerequisite for effective external security. Economic inequality, political polarisation, or governance challenges could, over time, create vulnerabilities that external actors might exploit.
Finally, Malaysia must recognise that deterrence is not simply about strength but about credibility and clarity. The Houthis’ strategy works because their threats are believable, even if selectively applied.
(Image: FMT)
For Malaysia and its partners, this means establishing clear red lines regarding the security of the Strait of Malacca and demonstrating the capability and willingness to enforce them. At the same time, restraint must remain part of the equation. Overreaction to minor incidents could be as destabilising as inaction.
The Red Sea crisis is a reminder that maritime security is no longer just about keeping sea lanes open; it is about managing a complex interplay of threats, perceptions, and strategic calculations.
For Malaysia, the stakes are immense. The Strait of Malacca is not just a waterway; it is an economic lifeline and a strategic asset whose stability underpins national and regional prosperity.
Protecting it will require foresight, cooperation, and a willingness to learn from conflicts beyond the region.
The Houthis’ actions may be rooted in a very different context, but the underlying lesson is universal: control over a chokepoint confers power, and how that power is used or restrained can shape the course of regional stability.
Malaysia cannot afford to wait for a crisis to test these assumptions. The time to act is now, while the waters remain calm.
R. Paneir Selvam is Principal Consultant at Arunachala Research & Consultancy Sdn Bhd (ARRESCON), a think tank specialising in strategic and geopolitical analysis.
The views expressed are solely of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of MMKtT.
BUILDING a nation isn’t about catchy slogans or grand speeches. It’s about the small, everyday choices our leaders make—who gets help, who gets heard, and who gets left behind.
If Malaysia truly wants to move forward into a future that is innovative, united, and respected, we need one simple shift in mindset: treat every Malaysian as if they matter—like a national asset, not a political tool to be used and discarded when elections are over.
For years, we’ve been told our diversity is our strength. And it is. Malays, Chinese, Indians, Orang Asli, and the natives of Sabah and Sarawak—every community has contributed to building this country but our policies and political discourse have not always reflected that.
When entire groups feel like second-class citizens in their own homeland, the damage is not just emotional. It becomes structural. It seeps into our schools, our workplaces, and our trust in one another.
Look around the world. Singapore and Canada have shown that inclusion is not just desirable—it is strategic. By giving everyone a fair shot, they unlock talent across society. Systems that rank citizens by race or religion, on the other hand, end up wasting that talent. And that cost is borne by the entire nation.
Our brain drain problem proves this. Doctors, engineers, and lecturers are not leaving just for better pay, but for environments where they feel respected and fairly judged. That is not just an economic loss—it is a quiet national failure.
A country that cannot convince its own people of their worth will struggle to convince the world of its potential.
Beyond economics, our social fabric is fraying. Trust is the glue of any society. When people believe the system favours one group over another, resentment builds. People disengage.
Over time, we lose the sense of being one Malaysia. Unity cannot be legislated—it must be earned through fairness and mutual respect.
At the same time, global norms are clear: every individual deserves equal dignity and protection. Malaysia does not need to replicate other countries, but embracing these principles strengthens both our moral standing and international credibility.
Treating every Malaysian as a national asset does not mean ignoring history or existing inequalities. It means shifting from race-based frameworks to needs-based, transparent policies.
Assistance should go to those who genuinely need it—nothing more, nothing less. This is not just fairer; it restores trust in the system.
Start with education. Schools and universities must be genuine pathways for opportunity, where effort and talent determine outcomes.
In hiring, both public and private sectors should prioritise competence and integrity. Institutions, too, must function as impartial guardians of justice, not arenas for political influence.
Leadership matters. Divisive rhetoric may win votes in the short term, but it carries long-term costs. What Malaysia needs is a unifying vision—one where differences are respected, not exploited.
Think of precious metals. Their value does not come from labels, but from their inherent properties and usefulness. The same applies to Malaysians. Each individual brings skills, perspectives, and experiences.
When these are recognised and developed, the nation prospers. When they are ignored, everyone loses.
Malaysia stands at a crossroads. In a rapidly changing world, our future will not be built on natural resources alone, but on people. The real question is whether we are prepared to invest in all of them.
Treating every citizen as a national asset is not an abstract ideal. It is an economic strategy, a social necessity, and a political imperative.
The sooner this principle is embedded into governance and public life, the stronger and more cohesive Malaysia will become.
KT Maran is a Focus Malaysia viewer.
The views expressed are solely of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of MMKtT.
BEING MALAYSIANS, we shouldn’t be surprised to find a stray cat or dog loitering the streets. Since the average Malaysian street isn’t as clean as in Singapore, a rat or two shouldn’t be a surprise to anyone anyway.
But what happens if said rodent is the size of an average dog? Now that should get any local passerby gawking, and for good reason.
In a video post on X by netizen @Cikgu_Anep, a capybara could be seen loitering in a parking lot, its very presence, a defiance against the faunas of Malaysia.
First and foremost, it is impossible to find a capybara here since the creature is endemic in South America.
The only likely answer is that the creature somehow found its way out of a zoo or its owner is a strange person to choose such an exotic creature as an animal companion.
Netizens too have much to say about this creature which looks very much out of place.
According to netizen @fxris_rs, a staff from the zoo informed him that a capybara could fetch a price of about RM40,000. Now that is a lot of money.
If what he claimed was true, a single capybara is equivalent to the price of an affordable car. Then there was @NdxxHan cautioning that the passing cars might harm the animal, adding that people should save it.
“Did it get loose from Zoo Negara?” wondered @tsar_rule while @princJuna claimed the animal belonged to a Chinese in the Selayang area.
Even more amusing was the comment from @Pig_raise, asking that the capybara be caught as it breeds quickly and is capable of destroying the ecosystem.
However, @WaterSpinach69 pointed out that this is unlikely since the creature was alone. On another note, the capybara in the video is considered small since the creature can grow up to a length of one metres, with a lifespan of about a decade.
We can only hope this gentle animal finds an easy lifestyle living in a foreign land.— Focus Malaysia
