The defence exhibition will be held in Langkawi from April 20 to 24 next year.
(From left) Armed forces chief Malek Razak Sulaiman, retired armed forces chief Azizan Ariffin and defence ministry secretary-general Lokman Hakim Ali at the official launch of Lima 2027 at the Malaysia International Trade and Exhibition Centre in Kuala Lumpur today.
KUALA LUMPUR: About 40% of the exhibition space for the Langkawi International Maritime and Aerospace Exhibition (Lima) 2027 has been booked just two months after its soft launch, signalling strong interest from local and international exhibitors.
The exhibition will be held in Langkawi from April 20 to 24, 2027.
Defence minister Khaled Nordin said the early response reinforced Lima’s position as a preferred platform for defence diplomacy, technological collaboration and strategic business engagement in the Asia-Pacific.
“Within two months, nearly 40% of the exhibition space has already been reserved by exhibitors from Malaysia and around the world.
“This reflects the international community’s confidence in Malaysia,” he said in a speech delivered on his behalf by armed forces chief Malek Razak Sulaiman at the exhibition’s official launch at the Malaysia International Trade and Exhibition Centre (Mitec) today.
Khaled said Lima 2027 is expected to attract about 930 exhibitors from 36 countries, 450 official delegates from 65 countries, 60,000 trade visitors and up to 400,000 members of the public.
The exhibition is also expected to feature up to 110 aircraft and other air assets, as well as about 90 maritime assets.
He said invitations had also been extended to four internationally renowned aerobatic display teams from South Korea, the United Arab Emirates, Indonesia and Russia.
Speaking at a press conference after the launch, Malek said Lima 2027 supports the National Defence Industry Policy (DIPN), the National Defence Strategic Plan and the armed forces’ long-term “Future Force” development plan under the 13th Malaysia Plan.
Malek said the exhibition would strengthen the armed forces’ operational readiness while supporting the growth of the local defence industry through closer collaboration among the government, the military and industry players.
Defence ministry secretary-general Lokman Hakim Ali said the ministry hoped Lima 2027 would encourage greater collaboration between foreign and local defence companies, in line with the DIPN.
“Our policy is to ensure at least 30% to 40% local content in whatever we import or procure from other countries,” he said.
Lokman said the ministry also wanted to shorten research and development timelines by adopting proven technologies while encouraging foreign original equipment manufacturers to work with Malaysian companies to strengthen local defence capabilities. - FMT
The rural and regional development minister says this is aimed at strengthening Felda's financial position.
Deputy prime minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi said the government is helping Koperasi Permodalan Felda restructure several assets to enable the cooperative to repay its members’ share redemptions. (Bernama pic)
PETALING JAYA: Deputy prime minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi has proposed that a portion of the land currently managed by FGV Holdings Bhd (FGV) be returned to Felda.
Zahid, who is also rural and regional development minister, said the proposal was among the measures aimed at strengthening Felda’s financial position.
“I am of the view that if the management of Felda plantations is restructured and handled by Felda itself, the settling of debts can be accelerated.
“This is also expected to provide better returns to the settlers,” Bernama reported him as saying after the Felda Settlers’ Day and 70th anniversary celebration at Tun Abdul Razak Stadium in Bandar Pusat Jengka, Pahang, today.
Zahid said Felda is expected to take at least nine years to restore its financial position.
On Saturday, Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim said the federal government was forced to bear the burden of Felda’s debt, which amounted to nearly RM1 billion annually, as a direct result of past administrative failures.
Zahid said the government is also helping Koperasi Permodalan Felda (KPF) restructure several assets to enable the cooperative to repay its members’ share redemptions.
He said nearly RM350 million was required to pay KPF members who wished to redeem their shares due to low dividend rates resulting from a downturn in the stock and property markets.
“This restructuring is being carried out to help those who purchased KPF shares and had to take loans or sell their properties. The restructuring will be implemented no later than the end of this year,” he said. - FMT
MALAYSIA has presented the Gig Workers Act 2025 as a landmark step towards protecting platform workers. Yet a closer examination suggests the law may do more to legitimise the gig economy’s existing power imbalance than to correct it.
Rather than addressing the underlying issue of worker misclassification, the Act creates a standalone framework for gig workers as independent contractors.
In doing so, it establishes a permanent third category of worker that sits outside traditional employment protections. A comparison with the EU Platform Work Directive (Directive (EU) 2024/2831) highlights the shortcomings of this approach.
The Act explicitly defines a service agreement as distinct from an employment contract.
As a result, gig workers remain excluded from many protections available to employees, including minimum wage guarantees, paid annual leave, medical leave and employer-funded Employees Provident Fund (EPF) contributions.
By contrast, the EU Platform Work Directive introduces a rebuttable presumption of employment.
(Image: National Teams)
Where a platform exercises significant control over a worker through performance monitoring, earnings restrictions or work allocation, the individual is presumed to be an employee unless the platform can prove otherwise.
This shifts the focus from preserving contractor status to ensuring workers receive appropriate labour protections.
Malaysia’s approach effectively institutionalises a second tier of labour. Rather than requiring platforms to justify their employment arrangements, the law accepts the contractor model as the default position.
Workers bear the burden
The Act also places the burden of challenging unfair treatment largely on workers themselves.
A driver or rider facing an account suspension, deactivation or sudden pay reduction must first pursue the platform’s internal grievance process, which may take up to 30 days.
If the dispute remains unresolved, the worker must then seek conciliation through the Industrial Relations Department before bringing the matter to the newly established Gig Workers Tribunal.
For workers earning modest and often unpredictable incomes, navigating this process can be financially and practically difficult.
The EU framework takes a different approach. Instead of requiring workers to prove they are employees, the burden falls on the platform to demonstrate genuine self-employment. If it cannot do so, employee status applies.
This shift in responsibility acts as a deterrent against misclassification and encourages platforms to review their labour practices proactively.
Algorithmic management remains largely unchecked
One of the defining features of platform work is algorithmic management. Digital platforms determine work allocation, performance rankings, earnings opportunities and, in some cases, account deactivations through automated systems.
Malaysia’s law acknowledges this reality but adopts a largely reactive approach. Workers may request a manual review after an adverse decision has been made, but the Act does little to limit the underlying power of algorithms or require meaningful human oversight.
While platforms must disclose the existence of automated monitoring systems, transparency alone does not address concerns over shifting performance targets, behavioural manipulation or opaque decision-making.
The EU Directive goes further. It treats algorithmic management as a potential occupational risk and requires regular assessments of its effects on workers’ health and well-being.
It also restricts platforms from using automated systems to monitor private communications or personal beliefs, recognising the broader risks posed by unchecked digital surveillance.
The social protection gap
(Image: HRM Asia)
Supporters of the Act often point to its mandatory social protection provisions. Under the law, 1.25% of a worker’s earnings is automatically deducted and channelled to SOCSO/PERKESO.
However, the scheme does not require mandatory employer-style matching contributions from platform companies. Platforms effectively act as collection agents for contributions funded primarily by workers themselves.
In contrast, the EU’s employment-based model requires platforms to contribute directly towards social insurance, pensions and other statutory benefits when workers are deemed employees.
As a result, Malaysia’s system risks placing additional financial pressure on riders and drivers already facing stagnant base fares and rising living costs.
Reform without rebalancing power
The Gig Workers Act 2025 represents an attempt to regulate a rapidly expanding sector, but it does so largely on the platforms’ terms.
By formally recognising gig workers as a separate class of labour, it shields digital platforms from many of the obligations borne by conventional employers.
The Act introduces greater transparency and establishes dispute-resolution mechanisms, but it leaves the fundamental imbalance of power largely intact.
Without addressing employment status, platform accountability and employer contributions, the law risks offering the appearance of protection while preserving the conditions that make gig workers vulnerable in the first place.
The author, Dr Ong Tze Chin is a Senior Lecturer at the Faculty of Law, Universiti Malaya.
The views expressed are solely of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of MMKtT.
FINANCE Minister II Datuk Seri Amir Hamzah Azizan recently defended the government’s decision not to extend diesel subsidies to tourism vehicles, saying priority should be given to Malaysian citizens rather than foreign tourists.
He also said support for tourism would continue through investments in infrastructure such as airports and flight connectivity.
While few would disagree with the need to improve tourism infrastructure, the reasoning behind excluding tourism vehicles from diesel subsidies deserves closer scrutiny.
The argument appears to be that subsidising tour buses and vans would mainly benefit foreign visitors. However, that view does not reflect how the tourism industry actually operates.
Tourism vehicles do not serve foreign visitors alone. The same tour buses and vans are used by Malaysians travelling within the country for holidays, educational trips, family outings and company events. Operators do not maintain separate fleets for locals and foreigners.
More importantly, diesel is purchased by vehicle operators, not by passengers. Whether the passengers are Malaysians or foreign tourists makes little difference when the driver pulls up at a fuel station.
The issue therefore should not be whether foreign visitors indirectly benefit from diesel subsidies. The more important question is whether extending the subsidy would generate a net gain for the country.
Government subsidies exist in many sectors because policymakers recognise that lowering costs can produce wider economic benefits.
Fuel subsidies enjoyed by Malaysians also indirectly benefit visitors because they contribute to a lower-cost operating environment. Yet few would argue that such subsidies should be withdrawn simply because foreigners also benefit.
The tourism industry should be viewed in a similar way.
Lower operating costs for tourism transport providers can help make Malaysia a more competitive destination. This is particularly important at a time when neighbouring countries are actively promoting their tourism sectors and competing for the same pool of travellers.
The benefits are not limited to international tourism. More affordable transport can also encourage domestic travel, helping Malaysians explore destinations within the country rather than seeking cheaper alternatives abroad.
Every additional visitor generates spending on accommodation, food, attractions, shopping and transport. This creates income for businesses, supports employment and generates tax revenue. The economic impact extends well beyond the tourism operator receiving the subsidy.
Of course, extending diesel subsidies to tourism vehicles would involve additional government expenditure. The question is whether the economic returns outweigh the cost.
If the answer is yes, then excluding tour buses and vans from the subsidy scheme may prove to be a case of saving a little while forgoing much larger gains elsewhere.
Public policy should not focus solely on who receives a subsidy directly. It should also consider the broader economic benefits that flow from that support.
Tourism has long been recognised as an important contributor to Malaysia’s economy. Decisions affecting the industry should therefore be based on a careful assessment of costs and benefits rather than on the assumption that any support extended to tourism operators primarily benefits foreign visitors.
In the end, subsidies should be provided wherever there is a clear net gain for the country.
If supporting tourism vehicles leads to higher visitor spending, stronger domestic tourism, more jobs and greater economic activity, then the case for including them deserves serious consideration.
YS Chan is a tourism, transport and training consultant.
The views expressed are solely of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of MMKtT.
