SACKED, OUSTED, ABOUT TO GO TO JAIL? NONSENSE, AS FAR AS NAJIB IS CONCERNED HE’S ‘PM ON VACATION’ – WITH THE PEOPLE ‘MISSING’ HIS LEADERSHIP, WHY SHOULD A ROYAL PARDON BE IMPOSSIBLE?

IT is said that by joining the campaign trail in Cameron Highlands, Datuk Seri Najib Razak is anticipating a boost in his personal ratings should Barisan Nasional win the by-election. The plan appears to be well-calculated. If there is a victory, Najib can take credit for it. The chances for that win to happen are quite bright. If not for anything else, then it is because Cameron Highlands has been a BN stronghold for years. And probably that is one reason for BN to allow its former chairman to appear there.

Remember the Seri Setia by-election last September? Back then, it was reported that Najib was advised by his party not to campaign for BN. This was due to the baggage he was carrying, which was detrimental for the coalition in the Sungai Kandis by-election held earlier and where he had hit the campaign trail.

In short, Najib was partly blamed for Umno/BN’s defeat in Sungai Kandis. Hence, the advice to stay away from Seri Setia although Umno/BN sat it out, making way for PAS, its ally. Incidentally, PAS lost to the Pakatan Harapan candidate.

As for the Cameron Highlands campaign, Najib, although eyeing a boost in his ratings, is also risking a further plunge in the event of a BN defeat. If that happens, he will be blamed for the loss of a seat that the coalition had held for years. His baggage will be brought up again as a point of contention. The baggage, as we know, involves accusations of corruption, kleptocracy and a host of other things.

However, former Umno vice-president Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein, who is Najib’s cousin, thinks the many court cases against Najib are not a deterrent for him to campaign in Cameron Highlands.

As Hishammuddin sees it, Najib, being anak Pahang or a son of Pahang, is still highly regarded by the people of the state.

Apart from Cameron Highlands, Najib has also been doing the rounds in the Klang Valley, holding town hall sessions, meeting the people and vowing to help the poor — prompting news portal The Malaysian Insight to say that after 39 criminal charges, Najib still has fans.

And the man himself said recently that “many people miss my leadership”. A veteran journalist says the remark was stretching it and he was sure “the rakyat had a good laugh on hearing it”. Another journalist sees Najib as being “still in denial”.

So, why is Najib doing all this? To political analyst Dr Oh Ei Sun of the Singapore Institute of International Affairs and who had worked for Najib previously, the former prime minister “just wants to be visible and stay relevant”.

A few days ago, Najib took to Facebook (again) and posted a picture of himself at a meeting with three Umno top guns, namely Hishammuddin, Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi and Datuk Seri Mohamad Hasan.

Technically, Zahid is still Umno president as he has merely passed on the duties of president to Mohamad. So, Mohamad, or Tok Mat as he is known in Umno, is the deputy president carrying out the duties of president.

Hishammuddin has now resurfaced after being under the radar for quite some time. He was accused of engineering the exodus of lawmakers from Umno, which he has denied. A picture of him and his family vacationing in Turkey last month with PKR’s Datuk Seri Mohamed Azmin Ali, who was also with his family, not only raised many an eyebrow but also triggered all sorts of speculation.

Both Hishammuddin and Azmin have called on people not to read too much into the picture, claiming that they had bumped into each other in Turkey.

Anyway, let’s get back to the picture Najib posted on Facebook. The caption accompanying it read: “We are united for the sake of the party, the nation and the nation’s future.”

Bear in mind that not too long ago Umno supreme council member Datuk Lokman Noor Adam had proposed that Najib be made de facto party leader and federal opposition head.

Najib declined, saying that he wanted to focus on clearing his name with regard to the criminal charges he is facing in court.

But that was then. Is there a change of heart now?

DAP’s Lim Kit Siang points this out. At a recent so-called meet-the-supporters session in Lembah Pantai, Kuala Lumpur, Najib was introduced as “a prime minister on vacation”.

To Lim, what Najib is doing now is to try to legitimise his actions with a political comeback through a BN victory in the Cameron Highlands by-election.

Najib’s aides did not want to respond to my query or react to Lim’s take on the matter. Not even to justify their boss’s strategy. A pity, really.

Obviously, we will have to go by what others are saying about Najib’s plan.

Mohsin Abdullah 

– http://www.theedgemarkets.com

THE MAHATHIR DOMINO: WHAT IF HE REALLY SCRAPS THE ECRL – CAN CHINA AFFORD NOT TO PUNISH MALAYSIA SWIFTLY & HARSHLY & STILL KEEP ITS OTHER ECONOMIC ‘COLONIES’ UNDER CONTROL

For months Mahathir Mohamad has been plucking up courage to declare that, when it comes to Chinese investment in infrastructure, his is the Malaysia that can say no. At a projected cost of $20bn, the East Coast Rail Link, planned to run down peninsular Malaysia’s eastern seaboard before cutting west, is a big deal. In fact it is the second-biggest of all the projects of the Belt and Road Initiative (bri), China’s grand scheme to improve infrastructure across scores of countries, to tie East, West and all other compass points together.

For Dr Mahathir’s government, the link is a white elephant: the east coast is much less populated than the west. No process of competitive tenders took place when Dr Mahathir’s predecessor as prime minister, Najib Razak, awarded the construction and financing to Chinese state companies and banks. Mr Najib now faces charges over hundreds of millions of dollars missing from 1mdb, a state investment vehicle. The Malaysian government says it is investigating whether the rail link and lesser projects might have been awarded in an attempt to secure a Chinese bailout of 1mdb.

Either way, to Malaysians deals such as the East Coast Rail Link are lopsided. The project is financed almost entirely by Chinese loans. Chinese workers, not Malaysians, are hired to do the construction work. The returns are questionable, but the bills are not. Malaysia’s government debt has been shooting up. Chinese officials describe bri as all about openness, mutual respect and “win-win” outcomes. Malaysia’s predicament gives the lie to that.

Yet Malaysia is clearly nervous about offending China by cancelling the deal. A minister recently announced the project was off; Dr Mahathir explained that Malaysia could not afford it. A day later, however, he reversed himself, saying no final decision had been made. There are more than fiscal considerations at stake.

Despite China’s denials, all the concrete-pouring is a giant act of international political engineering. Bruno Maçães, a former Portuguese foreign minister and writer on bri, argues that its spillovers into politics and society “are not a bug in the project, but its most fundamental feature”. Under way is a return of sorts to earlier, celestial concepts of power and civilisation under which China sat at the heart of things. Moral, not legal, precepts governed relations among states. They included dependence, generosity, gratitude and reciprocity—but also retribution. In the case of Malaysia, ruling-coalition politicians say the Chinese government is exceptionally annoyed. It may punish Malaysia by importing less palm oil and curbing Chinese tourism (the number of visitors is already down for Chinese new year). It is even bringing race to bear, by trying to drive a wedge between the Malaysian government and Chinese-Malaysian businessfolk, many of whom fear that China’s anger will harm their commercial interests.

Meanwhile, others are watching closely. A report last year by the Centre for Global Development listed 23 countries involved in bri that were at “significant” risk of debt distress. One of them, Myanmar, wants to cut the size of a port and economic zone in Rakhine state, as well as shelve for good a controversial dam on the headwaters of the Irrawaddy. Another, Pakistan, the biggest recipient of bri projects, is facing a balance-of-payments crisis and has begged China for easier terms. Hawks making the running in the administration of President Donald Trump depict China as out to bankrupt weak governments, all the better to erode their sovereignty and dictate terms: “debt-trap diplomacy”.

That view is certainly overstated. Opportunism, rather than centrally directed purpose, defines many of China’s belt-and-road activities. Besides, there are risks for China. In Malaysia, Myanmar, Sri Lanka and, most recently, the Maldives, democratic forces came to power in part out of revulsion over autocrats cosying up to China. In Pakistan, Chinese diplomats have been murdered by Baloch separatists who see Chinese development as a threat to their lands. And though the Chinese builder of Sri Lanka’s empty Hambantota port took control of it on a 99-year lease when the government struggled to pay interest, how China benefits from the dud project is far from clear (India has, in effect, a veto over the port’s use by the Chinese navy). Still, Malaysia’s decision is important to others. If a fairly prosperous, robust country cannot stand up to China, then poorer, weaker nations certainly won’t be able to.

– https://www.economist.com/

THE DAIM FACTOR? MAHATHIR-ANWAR TRANSITION – DELAYED OR NEVER GOING TO TAKE PLACE?

Given Malaysia’s history and the implications for its future, the dynamics of the so-called transition bear careful watching.

While the general understanding following the shock victory of Malaysia’s opposition during elections last May was that power would be handed over from returning prime minister, Mahathir Mohamad, over to his former deputy prime minister turned opposition leader turned prime minister in waiting Anwar Ibrahim, in around two years or so, there has continued to be uncertainty about if and when this will occur. As we get further away from the election results last year and closer to the expected transition itself, one can expect such questions to linger amid wider complexities in the evolution of the country’s politics out to its next general elections expected sometime around 2023.

The idea of a transition itself is quite a new one for Malaysia in terms of its politics. Since the country was formed back in 1963, it has only had six prime ministers, all coming from the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), within which Mahathir’s time in power has comprised about two-fifths of Malaysia’s contemporary political history. And though UMNO has governed the country since independence, tensions within the party have been quite significant, especially during Mahathir’s rule. In the late 1980s, Mahathir had to stave off a serious leadership challenge from within UMNO in order to remain in power. In the late 1990s, Mahathir sacked and then jailed Anwar, who had been his deputy prime minister, over what some have termed trumped-up sodomy charges.

With all this in mind, it is fair to say that the worries about the current Mahathir-Anwar transition are not entirely unfounded, even if the circumstances this time are quite different. This time around, Anwar and Mahathir had formed an opposition Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition outside of UMNO against then-Prime Minister Najib Razak ahead of the 2018 general elections, with the former having rebranded himself as an opposition leader following his imprisonment, and the latter quitting UMNO and forming a separate party citing disaffection with Najib’s policies. Both men and others have referred to an agreement reached which, in general, would see Mahathir hand over power to Anwar and see him ascend to the premiership, likely in two years or so.

While there is often an overemphasis on personality politics, it bears reminding that this so-called transition has greater significance for scholars and experts who observe Malaysian politics. In particular, the dynamics of transition are occurring amid a key question in the minds of observers about whether the opposition win last May will end up being a one-off affair with UMNO returning to power in the next election or whether we will see a longer period of rule under the Pakatan Harapan government. Embedded in that question is a secondary inquiry about whether a ruling party under Anwar, as opposed to Mahathir, can secure such a win, in part because the opposition had previously been unsuccessful at winning power before 2018. How exactly all this plays out will obviously also have effects on Malaysia’s broader foreign and defense policy as well.

Thus far, the parties concerned have publicly maintained at a general level that the transition is to go on as intended. Mahathir has repeatedly said he intends to honor the agreement to step aside, and he did so again last month during his party’s annual general assembly. Anwar, for his part, has also said that he has faith that the promise will be upheld and called for Mahathir to be given space to govern up to that point, even as he has been speaking up more directly and separately on domestic and foreign policy issues since he was officially sworn in as a member of parliament in October last year after a by-election win in Port Dickson. At a more general level, it would also be rather simplistic to assume that 2019 will see a 1999-like scenario again between Mahathir and Anwar, where an expected transition is once again derailed. As I have observed before in these pages, there is a lot that has changed since then: about Malaysia, about the position of both men, and about the country’s political dynamics.

Yet, similarly, it would also be premature to just assume that a general agreement means that the transition will take place in a specific way that satisfies all parties. For one, irrespective of what Mahathir and Anwar themselves think, there have already been rumblings of discontent among parts of their parties over not just the succession issue, but how power is being shared and how priorities are being shaped. The position of the new PH government is also still quite fragile, and as we have seen in many cases in politics, as Malaysia moves further away from the shock election last May, the focus will shift increasingly from righting the wrongs of the previous government of Najib Razak to judging the current government on its own record. That judgment will also occur relative to broader political dynamics, including UMNO, which is in the process of reconstituting itself amid political realignments in the coalitions that may shape up for the next election.

While the dynamics of the so-called Mahathir-Anwar transition may become more certain in the months that follow, for now, a lot still remains unclear. As long as that persists, we can expect continued scrutiny on the words and actions of the country’s prominent figures, including Mahathir and Anwar themselves, as observers seek an understanding of how that transition will actually evolve and what that means for the country’s domestic and foreign policy moving forward.

– https://thediplomat.com

To give or not give discounts for traffic summonses: Loke to meet police

Transport Minister Loke Siew Fook has suggested that no discount be given for traffic tickets issued. (Bernama pic)

KUALA LUMPUR: Transport Minister Loke Siew Fook will hold a meeting with the police after the Chinese New Year celebrations to find a solution to the issue of giving discounts for traffic summonses.

He was commenting on a statement by Bukit Aman Traffic Enforcement and Investigation Department director Azisman Alias that the police would not be able to get motorists to settle summonses if the government ended the discounts as very few would be keen to pay up.

Loke had suggested on Tuesday that no discount be given to any summonses issued by the Road Transport Department (JPJ) for traffic offences.

He also said he planned to hold talks with the home ministry and the local authorities to persuade them not to offer discounts for traffic summonses issued by them. - FMT

EC chief: Report Hadi to cops if you have proof, don’t wait for me

PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang has been accused of breaking the law by using religious sentiments to woo voters in Cameron Highlands.

PETALING JAYA: Election Commission (EC) chairman Azhar Harun has urged the public to file a police report against PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang for alleged misconduct during the Cameron Highlands by-election if they had the proof and not wait for him to do so.

This follows claims that Hadi had violated the law by using religious sentiments to woo voters after he allegedly said it was the duty of Muslims to vote only for Muslim candidates.

Azhar said the responsibility for filing police reports does not only lie with the EC, adding that his officials were not present when Hadi gave his speech.

“If anyone has any information (about Hadi’s alleged offence), they should lodge a report, don’t wait for me,” he told FMT.

Lawyer Syed Iskandar Syed Jaafar Al Mahdzar had said the EC must show that it is serious and that no one is allowed to flout the law like using race and religion to rile up a community to vote in a certain way.

He told FMT that failure to act might encourage leaders from both sides of the political divide to do the same in the upcoming Semenyih by-election, where campaigning will begin after nomination day on Feb 16.

Hadi, the Marang MP, had allegedly urged Muslim voters to trust only Muslims to represent them, saying non-Muslims had no concept of sin and heavenly reward, which made them unfit to sit in Parliament.

Commenting on Syed Iskandar’s statement that the EC must be consistent as it had lodged a police report against Pakatan Harapan candidate M Manogaran for wearing a shirt with the coalition’s logo at a polling station, Azhar said it was because EC observers were there.

“The EC officer accompanied him (Manogaran) out,” he said.

He said the EC will not sit idly and he would instruct his secretariat to go over Hadi’s speech before taking any further action.

BN’s Orang Asli candidate Ramli Mohd Nor won the Cameron Highlands parliamentary seat, beating Manogaran and two independent candidates. - FMT

Intra-state rail line better for Kelantan than ECRL, says trade consultant

Trade consultant Azran Deraman says it is still uncertain whether the ECRL will actually improve connectivity.

KUALA LUMPUR: A trade consultant says it would be better for the government to focus on a rail line connecting Tanah Merah to Tok Bali in Kelantan instead of the China-backed East Coast Rail Link (ECRL) which is not an urgent priority for economic growth in the state.

Azran Deraman, a former eastern region director for the international trade and industry ministry, said it was still uncertain whether the ECRL, meant to link Port Klang in Selangor with Pengkalan Kubor in Kelantan, would improve connectivity.

In particular, he highlighted concerns over ticket prices and cargo freight fees.

A line connecting Tanah Merah and Tok Bali, on the other hand, would benefit the people as the latter was a new economic zone, housing the Tok Bali Supply Base which offers offshore services.

“There is also a Malaysia Fisheries Development Agency complex in Tok Bali, and the Kelantan government has gazetted a site there for industrial activities.

“But there is no rail connectivity,” he said.

He urged the transport ministry to consider the suggestion, saying a connection to Tanah Merah would also mean linkage to a wider network of stations.

Azran, who contested the Jeli parliamentary seat for Pakatan Harapan in the May 9 general election, said this would boost the potential for economic growth at a lower cost than the ECRL.

He also noted concerns that locals would not fully participate in the ECRL project as the Chinese might opt to use resources from their own country.

On a separate note, the cross-border trade specialist suggested that the government re-consider opening cross-border train services between Sungai Golok in Thailand and Rantau Panjang in Kelantan, which had been closed to deter smuggling.

“This would help enhance cross-border economic activities,” he said, adding that with sufficient enforcement, smuggling activities could be prevented.

It would also be in line with Putrajaya’s agreement with Bangkok to expedite the construction of two bridges linking Kelantan and Narathiwat in Thailand, and reduce congestion at the Bukit Kayu Hitam border crossing in Kedah, he said.

“We need to exploit opportunities for cross-border business. We are facing the open market now, so we cannot afford to have our hands tied.” - FMT

Don’t dilly-dally in review of foreign worker policies, government told

Ex-immigration official Ishak Mohamed says the government cannot afford to take too long to coordinate policies and the management of foreign workers.

PETALING JAYA: A former immigration official has called on the government to speed up its review of policies on the management of foreign workers to prevent any disturbance to the current system for renewing work permits.

Ishak Mohamed, a former immigration department enforcement chief, said there had been delays in the renewal of permits ever since the new government took over Putrajaya.

Citing information from immigration officials, he said this had been the case since October, when an independent committee was formed to coordinate overall policies and the management of foreign workers.

“Although the government’s intentions are good, this should not take too long. Otherwise, it will affect certain sectors and the hiring of foreign workers which will burden employers as well,” he told FMT.

However, he said foreigners working as maids were unlikely to face much trouble as there is an online system in place for them.

Several foreign workers recently told FMT they had faced delays in renewing their work permits since June last year.

Tenaganita executive director Glorene A Das had attributed the problem in part to a lack of transparency in procedure.

Ishak said given the country’s need for foreign workers, especially in sectors such as construction, it should not delay too long in studying and implementing its policies.

He suggested that Putrajaya instead turn its attention to the recruitment process of such workers.

“Since my time in service, bringing foreign workers into the country has been regarded as a lucrative business.

“Some parties benefit a lot from it, and there is not enough transparency. This is what the government has to look into.”

FMT has contacted the home ministry for comment and is awaiting a response. - FMT