Is the prime minister barking up the wrong tree?

 

From I Lourdesamy

Anwar Ibrahim’s present political strategy is faulty.

Anwar believes that without adequate support from the Malays (his support from them now is said to be around 25%), his position as prime minister and that of Pakatan Harapan (PH) as the governing coalition is untenable.

This supposition is not without basis. Roughly 70% of the population in the peninsula is Malay. It is not politically feasible for any governing coalition to gain or remain in power without adequate support from the Malay majority.

Even if the outdated electoral system and political horse-trading were to make a minority coalition government possible, such a government would not have legitimacy in the eyes of the Malays. It would be seen as an illegitimate, non-Malay government.

So, it is critical for Anwar and PH to seek more franchise from the Malay voters.

The question is, how should Anwar do this?

I believe the political strategy on which he has embarked to gain more Malay support is faulty and treacherous. His narrative appears to be targeted at convincing Malay Muslims that with him, the Malay special rights, the religion of Islam and the royalty (the 3Rs) will be protected and safe.

This narrative has three problems. One, it is exactly the narrative of PAS (and Bersatu).

Second, the narrative has the danger of alienating the support of the non-Malays who were solidly behind Anwar during the critical years.

Third, the narrative has the danger of killing off the emergence of a progressive Malay group as a third force that can support the concept of a modern, democratic and multiracial Malaysia. This third force is needed to check the strong narrative of PAS for a conservative and exclusive Islamic Malay government for the country.

Trying to outdo PAS to win Malay votes will be a losing game for Anwar. Dr Mahathir Mohamad, when in Umno, tried this and failed.

PH does not have the organisational grassroots structure and the propaganda machinery that PAS has to reach the rural and semi-urban Malays. It has taken PAS many years to indoctrinate the Malay mind, socially and politically. PH cannot win if it takes PAS on with the same narrative.

Also, the objective of PH should be to erode the narrative of PAS, not compete with the same message. The narrative of PAS is dysfunctional to the development of a progressive, modern Malaysia that is democratic, inclusive, secular and multiracial.

The future of Malaysia lies in a different narrative, not the narrative of PAS and Bersatu. Anwar should present and champion this different narrative and not seek to become more like PAS in his desperation for the Malay vote.

Anwar must lead, not follow. His leadership must be national, not sectarian, and targeted at the next generation, not the next election.

On the surface, the PAS narrative appears to be unassailable and solidly grounded in the minds of the Malay voters. The electoral successes of PAS in GE15 and the subsequent state and by-elections seem to vindicate this perception.

But this success has come not so much because of the strength of PAS, but because of the weakness of Umno.

With the rejection of Umno, a political vacuum emerged and PAS stepped in to fill it. If Malay voters had been given a better alternative to PAS, they might have acted differently. PAS does not have a monopoly of the Malay vote.

The political strategy of Anwar and PH should be to provide Malay voters with an alternative to PAS. The alternative cannot be more of PAS, because that would be a race to the bottom.

The alternative has to have two key elements.

First, it must assure Malay voters that the special position of the Malays, their culture and language, and Islam as enshrined in the constitution will not be threatened.

PAS constantly plays up the idea that only a Malay party like itself can protect these safeguards in the constitution. Anwar and PH must take PAS’s narrative head-on and explain how in states run by the PH coalition, these safeguards in the constitution for the Malays have not been trampled on.

PH can enlist the support of liberal, Malay Muslim elements to help communicate this message. Many of them like columnist Mariam Mokhtar, Professor Tajuddin Rasdi, G25, and Sisters in Islam are already doing this. Anwar needs to work closely with them.

Anwar must lead this process of public education of the 3Rs. He needs to embark on the battle for the minds of the Malays. PAS has been winning this battle.

The second element in checking PAS is reforms. Anwar must go beyond the rhetoric. He must lead with the promised reforms. He seems to have put reforms on the back burner. This is a mistake. Fast reforms can create stress and strain, but slow reforms can destroy the confidence of voters in the PH coalition.

PAS has no record of improving the quality of life of the Malays under its rule. I refuse to believe that even the conservative Malays in Kelantan do not want a better life.

Economics can change the behaviour and minds of people because progress is an inherent motivating force in all of us. To argue that those under PAS are only interested in the next world is a myth. They, too, want a good life, provided that their values and beliefs are not compromised.

If Anwar can deliver this message, he will get the Malay and non-Malay support he is looking for. He already has the support of Sabah and Sarawak and the PH coalition. The royalty will be on his side as they, too, favour a modern, progressive, multiracial Malaysia based on the constitution.

The new Agong from Johor can be a strong ally for Anwar to establish a new Malaysia. For this to happen, Anwar must stay the reform course and not flip-flop on policies and action. His failure will be a failure for the entire country.

Will Anwar rise to the occasion and provide the needed leadership? He has the opportunity to leave behind a lasting legacy. - FMT

I Lourdesamy is an FMT reader.

The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of MMKtT.