Will the Kancil save Reformasi?

 Bersama's main weakness is not vote-splitting, but the absence of a distinct constituency.

From Tian Chua

Political influence is not built merely by projecting a new vision or rejecting compromise.

PKR did not become one of Malaysia’s mainstream political parties because it had the most sophisticated reform manifesto, but because it assembled a broad coalition spanning the urban middle class, wage earners, civil society, minorities, and voters seeking an alternative model of governance.

As a movement of change, PKR broke conventional political norms. Its leadership embraced PAS and DAP as partners when both were seen as opposites. Many Malays viewed DAP as chauvinistic, while non-Malays saw PAS as fundamentalist. That coalition of diversity broke political taboos.

The real challenge facing Bersama is not whether it can criticise PKR more effectively, but whether it can construct a social base large enough to replace PKR’s role in Malaysian politics.

Every durable political party rests on two foundations: ideological identity and mass constituency. Ideology tells voters what a party stands for. Constituency tells society who it represents. Without these, a party becomes dependent on individual leaders or seasonal issues rather than enduring support.

Currently, Bersama appears to draw support from the same urban, educated, reform-minded voters who traditionally formed PKR’s base. The Kancil attempts to ride on frustration over the perceived slow pace of reform under the Madani government.

However, dissatisfaction alone does not create a new constituency. Media attention or online momentum cannot substitute for organisational depth, which is essential for electoral success.

Malaysian politics has repeatedly shown that parties can gain digital enthusiasm but fail to translate it into grassroots strength.

There is no doubt Bersama could trigger defections from PKR. But it is unclear whether it can build new constituencies beyond PKR’s traditional base. Unless it expands beyond dissatisfied reformists, it risks becoming a smaller version of PKR rather than its successor.

The formation of Bersama also differs fundamentally from PKR’s. Reformasi emerged during a national crisis that created demand for a new opposition vehicle. Bersama enters a political landscape already filled with alternatives for reform-minded voters.

The question of justification

Those leaving PKR must explain why reform from within is impossible. Unlike expelled members, Bersama’s founders left voluntarily and are encouraging others to do the same.

If Rafizi Ramli’s supporters have enough influence to persuade thousands to leave PKR, it raises the question of why that strength was not used to shape PKR from within.

Losing a leadership contest does not remove one’s ability to influence debate, build support, or shape policy. Rafizi’s resignation raises doubts about whether all internal channels of reform were exhausted. If a faction cannot improve a party it has long been part of, why should it be trusted to reform the state’s bureaucracy?

PKR leadership, too, cannot dismiss the impact of an exodus of members. Bersama’s criticisms serve as a reminder for PKR to undertake meaningful reforms to show that departure was not the only realistic option available.

The harder question

This debate is not primarily about vote-splitting or benefiting opponents. Whether Bersama becomes a genuine reform vehicle or merely another symbol of discontent remains to be seen.

Many Malaysian parties share similar principles: democracy, multiracialism, moderation, fiscal accountability, and social justice. Parties such as PRM, PSM, and Muda already occupy this space. Bersama does not own these ideas. The challenge has always been building the political machinery capable of translating those nice principles into public policy.

Rafizi and his friends have not clearly explained why they were reluctant to fight a long war, with patience and perseverance, to reform the party from within.

So far, Bersama has defined its criticism of PKR more clearly than its own political identity. Criticism is not a political project.

To become a genuine reform force, Bersama must answer:

• What social interests does it represent?
• What constituency does it seek to organise?
• What ideological space does it occupy that is distinct from PKR and other reform-oriented parties?
• More importantly, what makes its strategy for achieving reform different from those that have already been attempted?

Since 2018, Malaysians have experienced multiple changes of government. As a result, many voters are no longer satisfied with parties that merely act as the voice of conscience. They now expect parties capable of governing and delivering results.

This is where Bersama faces its greatest test.

Both Rafizi and Nik Nazmi previously held senior ministerial positions in the government that allowed them to pursue reform from within. Sadly, both ultimately chose resignation over continued engagement in institutional reform.

That decision may be principled, but it raises a question: if reform was difficult in government, what new instruments does Bersama now have to overcome the same constraints?

How will it deal with bureaucratic inertia, institutional resistance, societal pressures, and political realities that have long disrupted reform efforts?

The leadership of Bersama must demonstrate not just that its rivals have failed, but that it has developed new methods, strategies, or political resources that previous reform efforts lacked. Successful political parties survive because they are institutions, not short-term campaigns. They build loyal support, strong organisations, and a sense of belonging that goes beyond any single leader.

Until these questions are answered, Bersama is unlikely to be seen as a new torchbearer of Reformasi. It risks being viewed as an emotional response to the frustrations of an unfinished movement.

Kancil: Clever, but can it govern?

The party’s logo, the mouse deer or kancil, symbolises intelligence and strategy. The symbolism is understandable. Bersama is a small party seeking to challenge larger and more established political forces.

In Malay folklore, the kancil wins by outsmarting stronger adversaries. But it is also associated with trickery and opportunism, often failing to keep its promises. Hopefully, this will not be the destiny of those who place their hope in the Kancil.

If the Kancil depends on cleverness alone and does not build political endurance, voters may eventually conclude that Bersama represents a change of vehicle, but not a change of destination. - FMT

Tian Chua is a former two-term Batu MP and a former PKR vice-president.

The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of MMKtT.