Our Federal Constitution defines a Malay as one who practices Islam and observes Malay culture. This column seeks to express my views as a curious observer and a keenly interested party of the above. The column question is addressed to all my Moderate Middle Malay friends and allies. See the earlier column wherein I define who they are.
I took a subject called Malay culture and beliefs in Universiti Malaya under the offering, H106. It was in my first year of university education. I surely learned to better appreciate Malay culture and beliefs. Sadly or truthfully, little was taught about Islam per se, but much of the content was premised upon the assumption that all Malays are Sunni Muslims.
For all of us, whether Malay, Chinese, Indian, Kadazan, Iban or Orang Asal, our culture defines our beliefs, values and attitudes about the world around us, and others. While this column is only focused on Malay culture, I suppose most of the questions raised could apply to any other culture, too.
Human rights and constitutional freedoms
When we became the Federation of Malaya, in what is now called and celebrated as ‘Merdeka,’ the Federal Constitution became our supreme law of this nation-state.
The belief in and authority of the Quran was not questioned or doubted, and there were Muslims on the Cobbold and Reid Commissions. Personal faith was a non-issue. Neither did any of the Malayan political players protest nor disagree with the supremacy of the Federal Constitution.
Therefore, any Malaysian who demands or argues, in the 21st Century, for the Quran to become the defining law of the federated nation-state is absolutely delusional. Nevertheless, it is a legitimate process for the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party or PAS to seek an amendment to the Federal Constitution and seek that as their political agenda.
But it must be done by the front and not the backdoor of Parliament. Lying, cheating and deception cannot be allowed. Two-thirds of states of the union, i.e. Malaya, Sabah and Sarawak must also agree.
Therefore, the opening statement of a new member of the Human Rights Commission of Malaysia (Suhakam) accurately states that the current state of human rights in Malaysia is far from satisfactory. That is a positive and telling statement consistent with that of one of the former commissioners, too, as both represented Malaysia as Ambassadors to the UN.
Popular culture versus strategic mind
Popular Malay culture believes and subscribes to three popular Melayu maxims:
- Katak di bawah tempurung;
- Bakar kelambu sebab nyamok; and
- Biar mati anak; jangan mati adat.
There are many more maxims and mine is not a sociological treatise on the subject either, but I use it only to make one critical point. In all three, if one does a worldview analysis, they propose that the pre-ordinate goal of ensuring Malay culture and beliefs defines all other truths in daily life.
The frog lives within the worldview ceiling of the coconut shell covering it. The bed-framed mosquito net is burnt to kill a mosquito; or the whole is greater than the parts or smaller nuisances. The third is most telling; culture must be defended even if it means allowing the death or forgoing the life of a child.
Now, I will ask both the Suhakam commissioner and every Malay Malaysian who was schooled in English, would you philosophically agree with these cultural moderations? Can we morally always agree with their edicts; always, and under all conditions? My point is that we have to give up all rationality to do so.
Is that not why the 1MDB issue is not a bread and butter concern for most Malaysians? Do you think all Malaysians will today rise to defend democracy as did the Turkish people? For the same reason, I would argue, that we would never have the Armed Forces ever resorting to such desperate and non-legal means to change the direction of the country.
Malay leadership and constitutionality
Malay leadership of Malaysia cannot be defined by one allegedly abusive mufti of one state. Malay leadership has positively provided guidance and mobilisation for what Malaysia has achieved in a short period of 50 years. Few other countries have achieved such progress of Malays and rural communities in such a short period of time. The success of the New Economic Policy (NEP) is there for all to see.
My core issue is that the NEP is no longer valid. The greater issue is what should be the quality and character of our nation-state; instead of arguing about whether we should be more Islamic or not. That should always remain a personal and private matter.
One real concern is whether we can and should continue support and nurture crony capitalistic which deploys only rent-seeking conduct for progress. Frankly, crony capitalism was allegedly promoted under Dr Mahathir Mohamad and now Najib Abdul Razak, and Abdullah Ahmad Badawi (Pak Lah) was allegedly no exception either. It was not as evident under the first three PMs.
Institutionalised formal Malay leadership for the country is only the Malay Rulers. Even the PM can be non-Malay technically, and governors are and can be non-Malays but that is not true of Malay Rulers; because it is premised on hereditary legacies of nine Malay cultural kingdoms.
Every other leader of Malaysia can be Anak Bangsa Malaysia premised upon the Federal Constitution and the laws of the country. Some of the nine menteris besar must be Malays but those appointments do not constitute Malay leadership of the Federation unless they hold important posts in their political parties.
Time for Malay Rulers to become Malaysian
Malaysian unity cannot be guaranteed only by Malay unity; as argued by two major Malay political parties today. True national unity can only be guaranteed in Malaysia by the Conference of Rulers. They need to take charge of defining the nature, culture, and form of modernity this nation-state can and should not allow irrational and unimaginative Malay zealots to become more Malaysian than our Federal Constitution and Rukunegara.
KJ JOHN, PhD, was in public service for 32 years having served as a researcher, trainer, and policy adviser to the International Trade and Industry Ministry and the National IT Council (NITC) of the government of Malaysia. The views expressed here are his personal views and not those of any institution he is involved with. Write to him at kjjohn@ohmsi.net with any feedback or views. - Mkini
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