Does a bigger Chinese population equate to bigger political clout?

 

From Kua Kia Soong

Every time the official statistics show a decline in Chinese birth rates in Malaysia, the politicians who thrive on communalist politics try to raise alarm at the smaller votes the Chinese electorate will add up to in the future national and state elections. They even claim that it may signal the end of Chinese vernacular schools.

Certainly, the smaller vote the Chinese will garner is obvious to all. I merely want to raise two issues here:

(i) What are the leaders in the Chinese community and political parties doing to encourage our youth to marry and have children?

(ii) What does it say about our political clout when our Chinese minister refuses to initiate local government elections, which is the level of government where the Chinese vote really counts?

Incentives to have children

Faced with a declining population, the government in China gives all manner of incentives and provides opportunities to encourage their young to get married and to have children.

Since we are not the Chinese government, Chinese employers in Malaysia must ask if they are paying their Chinese employees enough for them to feel secure after marriage. This is called “putting your money where your mouth is”.

Linked to this is the question of whether our young men and women are overworked. Do they have time to go on dates, fall in love, marry and have children?

The government in China subsidises fertility procedures for those who have difficulty conceiving. Can our Chinese employers or association leaders follow suit?

To encourage our youth to have more children, it helps if they also have longer maternity and paternity leave and more housing subsidies.

Local government elections

The Chinese community has often played a significant role in Malaysia’s political history, particularly in local council elections. These elections were once a cornerstone of democratic participation, providing a platform for diverse voices to shape the governance of their communities.

Among the myriad of political movements that emerged, the Socialist Front stood out during the 60s, harnessing the support of the Chinese electorate and securing victories that resonated beyond the ballot box.

Historically, Malaysia’s local council elections were a vibrant arena where political parties vied for control over local governance.

The Chinese community, a sizable demographic with distinct socio-economic interests, wielded considerable influence in these elections. Their voting patterns often reflected broader concerns, such as economic development, social welfare, and cultural preservation.

Elections for local councils provided an avenue for the Chinese community to assert its political aspirations and demand representation in governance. The Socialist Front capitalised on this sentiment, mobilising support through grassroots organisation, community outreach, and a compelling vision for inclusive development.

The Socialist Front enjoyed electoral success in many urban areas with significant Chinese population, capturing seats in local councils and empowering Chinese voices in decision-making processes. Their victories signalled a shift towards more progressive governance, marked by greater responsiveness to the needs of marginalised communities and a commitment to social justice.

The significance of the Chinese vote in Malaysia’s local council elections extended beyond mere electoral outcomes. It represented a broader struggle for political inclusion, social equity, and cultural recognition.

For the Chinese community, participating in these elections was not just about choosing representatives but asserting their rightful place in the fabric of Malaysian society.

However, the heyday of local council elections and the Socialist Front’s electoral triumphs proved to be shortlived.

In 1965, the government suspended local council elections, citing concerns over communist influence and administrative efficiency. This decision dealt a significant blow to democratic processes and curtailed the political agency of communities, including the Chinese electorate.

Despite the suspension of local council elections, the legacy of the Socialist Front and the Chinese vote in Malaysia endures as a testament to the power of grassroots mobilisation and political engagement.

While the electoral landscape has evolved over the years, the spirit of civic participation and advocacy for social change remains alive, even as local governance is now dominated by appointed officials rather than elected representatives.

Thus, when we talk about wanting more political clout with a bigger Chinese population, can we ignore the need for the return of elected local government elections?

Yet, isn’t it ironic that today, we have a Chinese housing and local government minister who says this is not the time for local government elections? - FMT

Kua Kia Soong is an academic and former MP.

The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of MMKtT.