Barisan Nasional is Malay for National Front and is the major political coalition in Malaysia, formed in 1973 as the successor to the Alliance Party. Headquartered in Kuala Lumpur, the nation's capital, it has been Malaysia's ruling political party since independence. However, in the 2008 general elections, the Barisan Nasional was dealt a severe political blow when it lost its traditional two-thirds majority in Parliament, the first time ever since independence, losing five out of 13 states to Pakatan Rakyat, led by Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim.
The Barisan Nasional is often seen as one of the main causes as to why Malaysia's multiracial society remains un-integrated. The coalition is established along racial lines and this communal theme is prevalent in all structures of the government bureaucracy, with race-based societies even encouraged at school levels. The ultimate barrier to national integration is the division of Malaysian society into what is termed Bumiputera and non-Bumiputera. Bumiputera means sons of the soil and comprise mostly Malays and indigenous people, while non-Bumiputera are all the other races, mainly Chinese and Indian.
Target already met in 1992
In 1971, the Barisan Nasional, under Tun Abdul Razak, promulgated the New Economic Policy as an affirmative action to eliminate the identification of ethnicity with economic function. The initial target was to move the ratio of economic ownership in Malaysia from a 2.4:33:63 ratio of Bumiputeras, other Malaysians, and foreigner ownership to a 30:40:30 ratio.
Now that a University of Malaya report released in 2002 found that Bumiputera equity had hit the NEP target in 1992, Umno leaders are fighting to have the NEP extended indefinitely under the name of Ketuanan Melayu or Malay supremacy.
Obviously, this has attracted a harsh backlash from the other ethnic groups with critics accusing the predominantly Malay-based Umno of being greedy, notwithstanding that Islam is the official religion of the country.
Have the non-Malay parties accomplished much in terms of eliminating these unhealthy agenda
The non-Bumi parties such as MCA, MIC and Gerakan have not been able to eliminate the identification of ethnicity linked to educational and economic functions. In the field of education, awarding of scholarship is still dominated by race quota rather than on merits. And likewise in the field of economy, bank loans are hard to come by for non-Bumi businessmen. The standard of education has also deteriorated tremendously over the years so much so that there has been a large number of school dropouts from the Chinese vernacular schools, who cannot cope up with the sudden change of language medium used at the secondary schools, which are mostly government-run and use Bahasa Malaysia as the main medium of instruction.
Since the days of Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, these non-Malay component parties have been muzzled and intimidated by his Umno party. As such, the non-Malays have branded the MCA, MIC and Gerakan as traitors and cowards without backbones. Throughout the years of BN reign, the non-Malay parties have seldom spoken out about the need to change or to express a wish for a better future for all the races. Instead,the top leaders of MCA, MIC and Gerakan have been busy with their own personal schedules and success more than serving the people sincerely.
Under Tan Koon Swan, the Chinese who invested their blood, sweat and tears money in the MCA-operated cooperatives were left with heavy losses after a series of shadowy deals. And now the latest fiasco such as the Port Klang Free Zone scandal, top MCA leaders are again under trial for losses made in the government linked investment. The PKFZ losses have come up to billions of taxed money belonging to all Malaysians. Scandal after scandal has taken place under practically every MCA leader who has led the party.
Under Soi Lek
Recently MCA president Chua Soi Lek on his walkabouts in Skudai and Labis in Johor gave one a glimpse of the future of the party, which is still trying to rise after being felled by a massive setback in the 2008 general election.
The MCA supremo boasted that he attended to the people the way he was trained for his first calling — as a medical doctor. “I’m a doctor. I’m clinical, efficient and able to settle problems. What I promise, I deliver,” NST reported Chua as saying during a whirlwind meet-the-people session, which included pitstops at three Hindu temples, a luncheon with MCA grassroots members and meetings with residents.
But words are cheap. Have Chua and the MCA proven themselves in protecting the interest of the Chinese? These are all election gimmicks sparked by the coming thirteenth General Election or GE-13. Listening to his “patients” is one only step but bringing genuine treatment to their problems is another step. Finding the root problem and solving the problem of the Chinese community is too gigantic for him and the latest land dispute in Petaling Street has shown that he is not respected by Umno at all.
Chua may believe he has solved or can solve the problems of the community but the community may think otherwise. To Chua and MCA, the extent of their problem solving must be within the conditions laid out by Umno. Yet, very often the solutions desired by the community demand that Chua and MCA override the restrictions placed by Umno. Can the MCA leaders do so and have they ever done so?
Same with Gerakan, MIC
On a similar note, Gerakan president Koh Tsu Khoon has recently been asked rather rudely to leave the BN. The Health Minister Liow Tiong Lai was branded a 'running dog' and a 'coward' for not making a stand on the Tung Shin Hospital tear gas issue. Additionally, MCA has so far been sidelined when it comes to major decisions affecting the Chinese community, such as education and economic well-being of the community. So far they have only been able to win mini skirmishes and insignificant battles, losing all the major wars to Umno. Despite being the “champion” and voice of the community, they did not even dare to make a stand on the issue of the Teoh Beng Hock deathfall, and the Royal Commission of Inquiry's subsequent finding of 'death by suicide'.
Looking at these unresolved issues, which are just the tip of a decades-old iceberg, especially the temerity and lack of will of the MCA and Gerakan to ever do the right thing by the community, the Chinese are not wrong in wondering what hope does it have at the end of the day under the BN.
Neither have the Indians benefited much from the MIC after all these years in the BN government. Thanks to the dominance of Umno in the BN, the coalition's racial policies have instead aggravated the social and economic position of the community. The Indians could have gone very far up the social ladder had their leaders behaved themselves. The loss of Maika shares and the scandal of MIED, plus the plight of the estate Indians have all shown the powerlessness of the MIC. Many Indian youths have died mysterious deaths while in police custody, but has the MIC been able to demand a shakeup in the police force?
Looking at the deep-rooted weaknesses and illnesses of these non-Malay parties in the BN, is there still any hope of salvation for the non-Malay communities? After fifty years of running the government, the BN has formed hardened and negative habits such as corruption and abuse of power. Are they capable of changing their negative habits? As a saying goes “Old habits die hard”.
The answer automatically leads to the next question, should we give the Pakatan Rakyat a new mandate to Putrajaya so that once and for all, fresh and new blood has a chance to circulate in the Malaysian political system?
- Malaysia Chronicle
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