MALAYSIA Tanah Tumpah Darahku


Monday, April 30, 2018

Aishah dan Mahathir (VIDEO)

Aishah dan Mahathir

Dr M menangis, 'atuk dah tua...' (VIDEO)

Dr M menangis, 'atuk dah tua...'


Tian Chua, whose nomination to contest in GE14 was rejected by the Election Commission has got a, for want of a better description, unlikely supporter – the commission’s former deputy chairman Datuk Seri Wan Ahmad Wan Omar.
As Wan Ahmad sees it, the PKR vice president ought to have been allowed to contest based on the court decision which saw Tian Chua contesting GE 13 on May 5, 2013 when he succeeded in defending the federal territory parliamentary seat of Batu.
Wan Ahmad was commenting on Tian Chua’s disqualification on “live” television  talk show by Bernama News Channel – Ruang Bicara – hosted by Datuk Dahlan Maamor.
The show was aired on April 28 i.e. nomination day for GE 14 and Dahlan posted on Facebook part of his conversation with Wan Ahmad.
According to Dahlan, the former EC deputy chairman said the returning officer’s interpretation of the RM2000 fine imposed on Tian Chua has resulted in the PKR leader’s disqualification as a GE 14 candidate. (Tian Chua was originally fined RM3000 by the Shah Alam Sessions Court for insulting a policeman. He filed an appeal and the Shah Alam High Court reduced the fine to RM2000) and therefore this is something the court would have to decide. In the event Tian Chua files an election petition that is. Which he will, if he has not done so already.
And in the event the court decides in his favour, the result of the Batu contest in GE 14 will be null and void. Hence a by-election will have to be held. That’s how Wan Ahmad views it.
Several lawyers are already expressing the opinion that  Tian Chua has got solid grounds to take his predicament to court.
But needless to say and also based on what Wan Ahmad had said, Tian Chua’s day in court will only come after GE 14, what with the election just days away. Still one can never tell.
Wan Ahmad was also asked to comment on the Negeri Sembilan state seat of Rantau.
As we know, Dr. Streram Sinnasamy from PKR was refused entry into  the nomination centre as he was without an EC-issued pass. So too were his proposer and seconder.
The confusion , ensuing commotion and subsequent delay resulted in his nomination papers not accepted by the returning officer who went on to declare Negeri Sembilan caretaker menter ibesar Datuk Mohamad Hassan the winner unopposed – being the sole  candidate for the Rantau contest.
It’s rather strange (at least to me) that no other candidates wanted to contest Rembau – be they independents or from Pas. I say strange because for GE 14, multi -cornered fights seem to the norm and straight fights rare.  If they do happen at all.
Anyway back to Streram. According to Dahlan from what Wan Ahmad told him during the Ruang Bicara interview,  “ an EC pass to gain entry into the EC premises is not a prerequisite or condition for a nomination to be accepted”.
The pass is for security purposes and has got nothing to do with requirements  for nomination.
In all probability this case will go to court too ( if a petition is filed ) and should the court decide in Streram’s favour the Rembau seat too will have to be declared  void.
Hence a poser by Dahlan: what will be Mohamad Hassan’s status, assuming  that the BN succeeded in forming the Negeri Sembilan state government and he is the menteri besar?
If I may add – Negeri Sembilan will be “menteri besar-less” ( if there’s such a word?) . At least until the by election is concluded


SEREMBAN – Barisan Nasional (BN) Youth chairman Khairy Jamaluddin is planning to take legal action against PKR vice-president Mohd Rafizi Ramli, over the latter’s alleged remark that the former had conspired and was responsible for the Election Commission’s (EC) decision in preventing PKR candidate Dr S. Streram from entering the nomination centre at the Seri Rembau Hall yesterday.
Khairy said Rafizi had made many unpleasant remarks about him before and had gotten away with it, but he would not let the former Pandan MP off the hook this time around as this involved the integrity of the 14th General Election (GE14).
Khairy, who is also Umno Youth chief and BN candidate for the Rembau parliamentary seat in the GE14, said the action by Rafizi in making baseless accusation and spreading false news via his Facebook and Twitter accounts was an offence under the the Anti-Fake News Act 2018.
“I will take action against Rafizi … This is a serious matter (as) I am an election candidate. This is about the credibility of election in Rembau and I’m going to drag him to court.
“I want him to be brought to justice because he has many defamation cases, and the latest being the (Dr Streram’s) case in Rantau … Let the court decide,” he told reporters at the Sekolah Jenis Kebangsaan (Cina) Chung Hua’s Sports Day, here today.
Khairy said his lawyer would file a letter of demand for Rafizi to withdraw his statements.
“If Rafizi does not retract the defamatory remarks he made against me, then I will file a defamation suit against him,” he added.
Khairy said Rafizi had also allegedly raised racial sentiment among the Indian voters in the state and the Rembau parliamentary seat by saying that a candidate from the minority was rejected to contest in the GE14, and inciting the voters to rise as a “revenge” to BN.
“This is an extremely irresponsible act … playing with racial sentiment. PKR is said to be a multiracial party but yesterday, Rafizi proved that he had been a politician who is willing to bank on racial sentiment.
“As such, I hope that the Indians will not easily fall for this racial game from PKR and continue to support me and other BN candidates in the state and Rembau parliamentary constituency for my service to the constituents,” he added.
Yesterday, Umno Youth lodged a police report against Rafizi over his defamatory remark on social media regarding Ngeri Sembilan Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Mohamad Hasan’s uncontested victory in Rantau.
Mohamad won the Rantau state seat after Dr Streram was not allowed to enter the nomination centre to file his papers, as he forgot to bring his candidate’s pass as required by the EC. — Bernama

Unable to enter nomination centre, EC awaits police probe

KUALA LUMPUR: The Election Commission (EC) will not be issuing any statements on allegations that a candidate was not allowed to enter a nomination centre, until a full report is obtained and a police investigation is carried out.
According to EC chairman Tan Sri Mohd Hashim Abdullah, it is understood that certain quarters had lodged a police report on the case, and therefore it was inappropriate for him to make any statement now.
“The EC has taken note of the protests by the parties involved who were not allowed into the nomination centre to submit nomination papers on nomination day for the Rantau state and Rembau parliamentary constituencies in Ngeri Sembilan.
“It is up to the parties to use the authorised legal channels in the case,” he said in a statement today.
In view of this, the EC urged the public not to speculate as the case was still being investigated by police.
Yesterday, PKR candidate Dr S. Streram was unable to file his nomination papers for the Rantau seat after failing to bring along his candidate’s pass as required by the EC to enable him to enter the nomination centre.
As a result, Ngeri Sembilan Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Mohamad Hasan, the Barisan Nasional incumbent, was declared the winner for the Rantau state seat because of a lack of challengers. — Bernama


KUALA LUMPUR – Malaysia’s election will see a sharp rise in multi-cornered contests for individual seats that could hurt the opposition but also make it harder for Prime Minister Najib Razak to secure a two-thirds majority in Parliament.
Only 30 of the 222 seats in the May 9 vote will have two candidates, one from the ruling coalition and main opposition grouping. The rest will have as many as four candidates – and one even has six – according to the Election Commission (EC) website.
Plans by PAS to stand its own contenders in many seats could see the vote split when it comes to the ethnic Malay majority, making it harder for the Pakatan Harapan (PH) opposition coalition to pick up Malay votes. But equally it could dilute the Malay vote for Najib’s Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition.
“Chances are the votes will be split and weakened for both of the major coalitions,” Johan Saravanamuttu, an adjunct senior fellow at Singapore’s S Rajaratnam School of International Studies, said by phone.
“BN won’t get a two-thirds majority, I’m willing to put my neck out for that call.
“The incumbent has been in power for so long that chances are that it will still do better than the opposition,” he said. “But there’s a groundswell of anti-BN sentiment too”, that may see support shift to some opposition and independent candidates.
Najib’s Umno – the leading member of BN – is seeking to add to its six decades in power, having held office since Malaysia’s independence. Still, BN won by its slimmest margin yet in the last election in 2013, losing the popular vote for the first time. And it ceded its two-thirds majority in Parliament in 2008.
The prime minister has pushed to shore up support from ethnic Malays since 2013, increasing cash handouts to farmers, civil servants and the low-paid. The opposition meanwhile is made up of a disparate group of parties and recently suffered the split from PAS, while de facto leader Anwar Ibrahim is in jail. Former prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad is now leading PH to the election as its candidate for prime minister.
Still, Umno faces discontent over rising living costs, including in its heartland of rural areas, and Mahathir is portraying himself as a champion of ordinary Malays. He has also sought to pressure Najib over a long-running scandal over the finances of state investment fund 1MDB.
Najib, who said in an interview last week that he was confident of a better showing than 2013, will be in a four-cornered fight for his own seat of Pekan in Pahang. Competing against him will be candidates from PH and PAS, plus an independent contender. Mahathir will be up against candidates from BN and PAS in Langkawi, Kedah.
Both Najib and Mahathir should win their seats, with PH likely to win six to eight more spots in Kedah due to the “Mahathir effect”, said political analyst Ahmad Martadha Mohamed from Universiti Utara Malaysia.
“Overall, regardless of who wins, the rise of new candidates and new parties show that democracy is vibrant in Malaysia,” he said. “People are becoming more invested in voting and more interested in the future of the country.”
Analysts are still predicting that BN will secure more than 50% of parliamentary seats, enough for a victory. Eurasia Group has set the ruling coalition’s chances of winning at 85%, while cautioning that it’s unlikely to regain a two-thirds majority.
There are not yet signs of the “Malay tsunami” that Mahathir has said will move over to the opposition, Eurasia’s Asia director Peter Mumford wrote in a note. Still, he added that surveys showed Malay support for BN has dropped by an average of eight percentage points in peninsular Malaysia since 2013.
“A weakened Najib would have less political capital to push ahead with post-election fiscal consolidation, though he would not likely go as far as scrapping the unpopular GST,” Mumford said, referring to the 6% goods and services tax introduced in 2015. A worse result would also put pressure on Najib to groom a successor in time for the next vote, he said.


ON the surface, Parti Warisan Sabah has won 4-0 in Semporna in the wild, wild east coast of Sabah.
The Sabah-based Opposition party’s white flags featuring a sailing ship outnumbered Barisan Nasional’s blue flags in Semporna town on Nomination Day. The sentiment on the ground was that of ubah (change), which is Warisan’s battle cry.
Seemingly, the party led by Datuk Seri Mohd Shafie Apdal will sweep the Semporna parliamentary seat and its three state seats – Sulabayan, Senallang and Bugaya.
However, seasoned Semporna politicians warn that what you see is not what you get.
Semporna, which is a Bajau/Suluk-majority seat, is the stronghold of Shafie, a former Umno vice-president who quit the party in 2016 and formed Warisan.
In GE14, the five-term Semporna MP is facing Umno’s Datuk Ramlee Marhaban, who is Sabah’s Assis­tant Minister of Finance and Bugaya assemblyman.
The coastal town of Semporna has the feel of a southern Philippines dilapidated town. There is garbage strewn everywhere in the town, which is the gateway to the world-­famous Sipadan island.
The town is surreal. There are barefooted child beggars of Filipino origin asking for money from bikini-clad tourists, who are mostly from China and are attracted to snorkel or dive in nearby islands.
Shafie believes that Semporna voters had already made up their mind on who they want to vote.
“I don’t want to go beyond that. I am not saying that it will be four zero for Warisan. But I’m quite sure we have a formidable force in this election,” said the Semporna warlord.
The Bajau politician has told his party leaders and members not to be complacent.
“The big crowd doesn’t imply that the people will vote for us. We need to reach out to them – go house to house,” he said.
A 60-something Semporna politician, who has seen the political games played in his hometown since the Usno, Berjaya, PBS and Umno era, is not impressed with the sea of Warisan flags.
“That is just a wayang (show). In reality you can’t forecast that the numbers of flags will translate to votes for Warisan,” said the politician who did not want to be named.
“Umno is still strong in Semporna. And it has the means to win the four seats.”
Since the 1970s, he has seen how locals would put up party flags in their house because they knew that the following day the opposing party would pay them to bring down the flags and put up their flags.
Ramlee, the Umno politician, agreed.
“You don’t see many Barisan flags because we are playing a wait-and-see game. That is why from today until tomorrow, you will see the Warisan flags go down and Barisan flags will go up,” he said.
In terms of the billboard war, Ramlee has won – his larger-than-life photograph is plastered in almost all roundabouts in Semporna town.
Just like how the flags can go up and down depending on how persuasive a politician is, the voters of Semporna can also be persuaded to change their mind.
“Semporna politics is all about …” said the politician, as he rubbed his thumb against his index and middle fingers to indicate money.
“In GE13, I did not sleep for 48 hours before polling as I went to villages to persuade voters to vote for my party,” he said, referring to carpet bombing (a Sabah term that means voters “bombed” with money).
“We also go campaigning in the daytime in the villages on islands as the husbands are out of the house.
“Women are more honest. We will meet the housewife and we will tell them to vote for our party and give them some money to help ease their difficult life.”
Semporna is a parliament consti­tuency where almost everybody is related by blood or by marriage.
For example, in Senallang, Shafie is facing his first cousin Datuk Nasir Sakaran, the son of Tun Sakaran Dandai, the Grand Old Man of Semporna.
Sakaran’s son and Nasir’s half-brother, Datuk Razak, is contesting in Bugaya.
The Sakaran family has remained loyal to Umno.
GE14 will be kind of a referendum on which branch of the Sakaran/Shafie family – Shafie or Nasir/Razak – is the choice of the clannish voters.
There’s indication that the charismatic Shafie has an edge over the unassuming Nasir and Razak.
Since everybody knows everybody, the politics in Semporna is very personalised.
The voters remember politicians who are generous or stingy.
Shafie is known to be generous. For example, locals talk about how when a relative died in Kuala Lumpur, the former Rural and Regional Development Minister would pay for the transport of the body to Semporna and the funeral expenses.
“There are politicians in Semporna who are known to be …” said the anonymous politician, who clenched his fist to indicate that they were tight-fisted.
He wonders whether it will be payback time for politicians who own flashy cars but are stingy.
Money talks in Semporna politics – it determines the direction of the undercurrent.


SANDAKAN: Malaysia stands to lose internationally if people opt for the Opposition, says Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak.
He said there was a big risk factor in supporting the Opposition as they have plans to review the contracts and projects awarded to companies owned by the Chinese government, such as the East Coast Rail Line (ECRL).
Najib added that any cancellation of the contracts will sour relations with the Chinese government and may result in economic retaliation by them.
“The impact could be far reaching, as China could retaliate and stop buying our palm oil, birds nest and also quit sending tourists to Sabah,” he said in explaining that a tiff between China and South Korea saw the latter’s tourism industry take a dip.
He also said that economic success depends on political stability.
“Stability doesn’t mean a weak government, it means a strong Barisan government, which will deliver economic success. Our track record speaks for itself,” he said.
Najib said with a strong mandate, the ringgit will strengthen, adding that the global prediction is that the ringgit will bounce back to between RM3.70 and RM3.80 against the US dollar this year.
“We must maintain a good relationship with China, the United States and other countries to benefit us. What happens if they become hostile to us? What is the benefit to us?” said Najib.


Former premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s wife, Dr Siti Hasmah Ali, was purportedly requested not to attend a book award ceremony at Hotel Seri Pacific in Kuala Lumpur this afternoon
In a letter dated April 24 to Kumpulan Media Karangkraf Sdn Bhd, the National Book Development Foundation informed that Siti Hasmah’s autobiography was judged as the best in the category.
Titled, “Nama Saya Hasmah” (My name is Hasmah), the book was published by Karangkraf.
According to an aide of Siti Hasmah, a person by the name of ‘Hassan’, who claimed to be representing the organiser, had called the office over the weekend.
“He requested that Tun (Siti Hasmah) does not attend.
“The reason given was that there would be vice-chancellors of public universities on the stage, and if Tun attends, the media will spin that the vice-chancellors support Tun Siti,” she said.
However, the aide could not confirm if the person who called was the same “Hassan Hamzah” who signed the letter to Karangkraf’s executive director Firdaus Hishammuddin.
In the letter, Hassan Hamzah’s designation was stated as the chairperson of the organising committee.
When contacted by Malaysiakini, Karangkraf managing editor Husammuddin Yaacub confirmed on the request made by the organiser.
“Yes, they called and requested us about it. We abide by it,” said Husammuddin.
Since Mahathir launched his campaign against caretaker prime minister Najib Abdul Razak and switched over to the opposition, he and his wife are considered political liabilities by certain quarters.
However, certain observers pointed out that Mahathir’s former deputy Anwar Ibrahim and his family members were also subjected to a similar treatment following his sacking in 1998.
Mahathir and Anwar, as well as the latter’s family, have since buried the hatchet.


Something is simmering in Kuching, and it’s not just the fragrant laksa soup of Sarawak’s capital.
Long seen as the barometer of Chinese politics in Sarawak, the Stampin constituency at the 14th general elections (GE14) will see a contest between the leaders of two political parties that claim to speak for the Sarawak Chinese community. The two parties are the Sarawak Democratic Party (DAP) and the Sarawak United Peoples Party (SUPP), fondly known by the locals as “soup”.
Representing the governing SUPP party is Dr Sim Kui Hian, the party president who’s had a meteoric rise. Sim only became active in SUPP a decade ago, stood as a candidate for the first time in 2011, and became party president in 2014. On the opposition side is Chong Chieng Jen, the chairman of Pakatan Harapan Sarawak (PHS) and chairman the Sarawak DAP since 2013.
While the Sarawak and national media try to portray the contest as the “battle of the titans” or “clash of the kings”—and focus on the fact they are the most senior Sarawak Chinese leaders on opposing sides—in reality the real meaning of the contest goes deeper than just this symbolic clash.
TO UNDERSTAND WHAT the Stampin contest means, you need to understand the personal history behind these two leaders and the historical context. First, the historical context, and then the personal history.
Image result for Dr Sim Kui Hian vs Chong Chieng Jen
SUPP-BN’s Dr. Dr Sim Kui Hian

Under Sim, SUPP has made Sarawak nationalism and parochialism the cornerstone of the GE14 campaign. Using the tagline “I’m In for a Stronger Sarawak”, SUPP is telling ethnic Chinese voters that the Sarawak Chinese must vote SUPP in order to help SUPP and the Sarawak Barisan Nasional (BN) “take back” political autonomy as promised under the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63).
The irony of course lies in the fact that SUPP, together with its partners in the Sarawak BN, willingly surrendered Sarawak’s autonomy to the federal government in 1970. Most Sarawakians (or for that matter Malaysians) do not realise that Sarawak lost its MA63 autonomy in 1970 when SUPP deliberately chose Parti Bumiputera to form the coalition state government in Sarawak. SUPP then was in a unique position—it could go with either the Sarawak National Party (SNAP), an Iban-led party, or Parti Bumiputera, led by Melanau-Muslims. The SUPP-Bumiputera coalition government became the founding members of BN in 1974 with UMNO and other parties of the peninsula.

Parti Bumiputera in 1970 was a proxy for UMNO and UMNO sent a Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) minister to come to Kuching to pressure the then-opposition SUPP into a coalition government with Parti Bumiputera. From the first day of the Bumiputera-SUPP government, it was clear the while Sarawak had some powers, ultimate power was held by UMNO and the federal government.

In 1973, when the MA63 explicitly gave all the three remaining partners (Sabah, Malaya, Sarawak) a period to formally review the MA63 agreement, the meeting was abandoned and was never held. In 1974, Sarawak (and Sabah) gave up their oil and gas to Petronas. I can detail other events where Sarawak (and Sabah) lost their autonomy but suffice to say that in Sarawak, it all happened under Sarawak BN rule and all Sarawak BN MPs (including SUPP) voted in favour of many constitutional amendments which centralised powers in the federal government.
Despite this history, voters in Sarawak have short memories and get highly emotional when it comes to Sarawak nationalism. Thus SUPP and the Sarawak BN can suddenly appear as Sarawak nationalists today despite this contrary history.
Who can forget the infamous Mahathir mantra “Melayu mudah lupa” (Malays forget easily)? Well, to that I can add “Sarawakians mudah lupa”.
This context of this electoral battle is therefore rooted in this idea that it is “us” (Sarawakians) versus “them” (Malayans). Sarawak DAP and Pakatan Harapan (PH) are painted as “them” as their roots are in Malaya. Ditto for the other opposition parties PKR and Amanah.
In the 2016 Sarawak state election, former Sarawak Chief inister Pehin Sri Adenan Satem was very successful in rebranding the Sarawak BN as the true defenders of the MA63 autonomy. What was remarkable was his campaign speeches in which he promised to “keep UMNO out” of Sarawak. Sarawak voters swallowed the message despite it being crystal clear that Sarawak BN was keeping UMNO in federal power. Without the Sarawak MPs from Sarawak, UMNO would have fallen from power!
The same is likely to happen this time. The SUPP’s Sarawak nationalism mantra, backed by a sophisticated social media campaign, has dented the opposition claim to be the true defenders of MA63. Prior to 2016, SUPP’s social media has been dismal, allowing the DAP to dominate cyberspace. Unlike earlier SUPP presidents, Sim has taken to social media like ducks to water. He brought in a professional team from Malaya to handle the social media, selling SUPP’s Sarawak nationalism like a slick advertisement campaign. So far, it’s working and I would argue that the SUPP’s social media presence in this GE14 is superior to the DAP’s.
THE PERSONAL HISTORY lies in the background of the two candidates:  Sim Kui Hian is the son of Tan Sri Datuk Amar Sim Kheng Hong, one of the original strongmen of Kuching SUPP. Sim Kheng Hong was Sarawak Deputy Chief Minister for 17 years (1974–1991) and was known to be particularly close to Tun Rahman Yakub, Sarawak’s Chief Minister from 1970 to 1981. The standard joke among insiders is that SUPP’s Pending branch is actually the Sim family branch, since the family has exerted control over the Pending branch since its founding. In a nutshell, Sim Kui Hian was born into SUPP royalty and his rapid rise to the Presidency was aided by his family tree.
Image result for Dr Sim Kui Hian vs Chong Chieng Jen
DAP’s Chong Chieng Jen
Chong Chieng Jen’s pedigree is almost similar to that of Sim Kui Hian. Chong Siew Chiang, Chieng Jen’s father, was a founding member of Sarawak DAP in the late 1970s. Prior to that, he was a SUPP state assemblyman for the Repok constituency (Sarikei town). The twist in the story of how DAP came to Sarawak occurred when Chong Siew Chang consulted Rahman Yakub, then Sarawak’s chief minister, about bringing DAP to Sarawak. Prior to that, Rahman Yakub had used Sarawak’s immigration autonomy to deny Lim Kit Siang, DAP’s national leader, entry into Sarawak. According to Siew Chang, Rahman told him he would not ban Kit Siang from Sarawak if there were DAP branches in Sarawak. The real reason, of course, was to weaken SUPP’s hold over the Chinese community by giving the Chinese an alternative to SUPP.
So the current two contestants have history going back to the early years of SUPP and Sarawak DAP. They are both the children of the most senior party members and heirs to their fathers’ political legacy. The upcoming contest is thus a clash between the second generation. Sim became SUPP president in 2014 while Chong became chairman of Sarawak DAP a year earlier.
Image result for Beauty of Sarawak
Kuching–The Capital of Sarawak, Malaysia
The choice for the Chinese voter in Stampin is not simply “Dacing vs Rocket”—rather, it’s informed by historical context and personal history. Without understanding this, you will not be able to really understand the significance of Stampin at GE14.
by James Chin
– https://dinmerican.wordpress.com