PAS has been 'penetrated' by elements with 'foreign' ideologies while its only 'national' policy is the implementation of hudud in Malaysia.
COMMENT
Is PAS in a riddle? Or has it turned into a “maze-runner”, lost in a battlefield where survival is only for the fittest?
The fact remains that rise of the “extremist” voices within PAS is a negative element for Pakatan Rakyat.
These are only two of the major woes of the Pakatan opposition, which is on a historic march to conquer Putrajaya. However, this path is rigged with troubles, which Pakatan is expected to quash well before the next general election.
Which ever way Pakatan is heading, there is one obvious element: the loose coalition is experiencing the hardships of building and creating a true “rainbow” union. And this is probably due to the resistance within the Pakatan coalition itself, while the Barisan National hard-hitting “pro-Malay” campaigns could be an added disincentive.
The hardships faced by PKR de facto leader Anwar Ibrahim to build a “rainbow” coalition will surely haunt the new regime in Putrajaya, but once victory is achieved, it is certain Pakatan will overcome these woes and impose itself.
While the division within PAS reflects the division among the Malay-Muslim majority in Malaysia, the DAP is enjoying the support of a large majority of the Chinese community. This is creating an imbalance that has given more room to the BN to feel cozy in its “Malay First” diatribes.
And this is a significant observation since Pakatan needs a majority of the Malay community to win the 13th general election, but it has an agenda that does not satisfy half of PAS.
And by extension this agenda does not satisfy a section of the Malays altogether, but it has cemented the second largest community’s – the Chinese community – support for Pakatan.
A divided PAS
PAS today is an embarrassment with the divided leadership and this shows how PAS is a divided party from the top to its grassroots level. The division within the PAS reflects a “maligned” situation that clashes with the agenda set by Pakatan, that is, a fair, just and equitable Malaysia.
Does PAS really have to bring the support of the “extreme” right Malays to impose its views in Pakatan or is the party going to be more comfortable within the BN, divided as it is?
It is clear that PAS is plagued by the fact that it is a “state-based party” (jaguh kampung) with a largely divided leadership on both political and religious issues. PAS has also been “penetrated” by elements with “foreign” ideologies while its only “national” policy is the implementation of Islamic laws in Malaysia.
Its clashes with Pakatan’s agenda for concrete changes in Malaysia can be a turn-off to a fringe of the “non-Muslim” voters if the issue is pressed upon by the “divided” PAS leadership.
It is clear at this stage that the Pakatan leadership does not want to get involved in the morass created by the “Malay” supremacy claims, which is apparently getting some support from pro-Umno PAS leaders.
Would it be to Pakatan’s advantage to deal a direct blow to the group of “ultras” within its ranks? Or should Pakatan wait until the election is over to impose its will?
The fear of losing may have bogged down the Pakatan leadership in its decision-making process, with regard to the sensitivity of Malay-Muslim voters. This hesitation to decide on the “ultras” will have a negative effect on Pakatan.
It will cause a large number of the voters on the fence to either decide to continue voting for the BN or to abstain in the election.
PAS will have to take the blame for this failure to win the hearts and minds of the fence-sitters. The vote bank of the fence-sitting Malaysians will be crucial to win more seats for Pakatan and defeat the BN.
It will be a double jeopardy to Pakatan in the end since a divided PAS leadership, giving the wrong signal to the population, is not the only problem it is facing while a hesitant Pakatan will not convince the undecided voters.
Pakatan must act
The situation in Pakatan is similar to that of a future government where there is indecision on how to deal with “extremists” who are within its ranks.
The situation in Pakatan is similar to that of a future government where there is indecision on how to deal with “extremists” who are within its ranks.
Shutting out the extremists is not undemocratic. It is a necessary move to win more votes, hence more seats in order to consolidate Pakatan’s grip in its march to success.
What is needed from Pakatan at this moment is for Anwar to rise above the other leaders and for the Pakatan coalition leaders to show their support for his leadership.
In order to break the conundrum that has saddled Pakatan over the years since its dashing 2008 performance, Anwar must impose himself on the coalition.
By imposing himself, Anwar will gain more respect from the public and a public show of support from Pakatan towards his leadership will ensure Pakatan’s greater performance in the next general election.
It is time for Anwar and Pakatan to shed all fears and hesitation and make Anwar the supreme leader.
In the meantime, PAS will have to swallow its ego and accept its role as a partner within the alliance and shed away its attempts to become the “leading” party in the popular opposition coalition.
This will be for the betterment of the entire Malaysian nation while the sacrifice by PAS will benefit the party and Pakatan.
Ali Cordoba writes extensively on local politics.
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