Umno and the narrow path of racial politics

In recent years, however, the Umno factor in BN has become so dominant that it has eclipsed its strength of being able to effectively lead a multi-racial party. Umno's policy of accommodation has been somewhat lost in the political equation, with many Chinese and Indians no longer seeing the MCA and MIC as equal partners. The BN has become a coalition in which Umno leads and MCA and MIC simply follow.

Azam Aris, Yahoo News

IS Umno becoming like the Grand Old Party of US politics — the Republican Party? By moving inwards and to the far right to impress first and foremost its hardcore supporters, the party seems to become less appealing to the multi-racial and multi-religious middle ground.

There are many plausible reasons that Republican presidential challenger Mitt Romney lost the battle to Barack Obama, notably in the nine battleground states, but one which stood out was the level of support among the various voter categories. More minorities — blacks, Asians and, notably, the fast-expanding Hispanic population — voted for Obama, and by a wide margin.

The Financial Times' conclusion that demographics is electoral destiny has never seemed more true: The Democratic party can now win less than 50% of the white votes and still capture the White House. Throw in the growing support from youths, educated whites and suburban women alienated by the Republicans' conservative stance — and it will be a long time before a GOP candidate can wrest the presidency, predicts one political pundit.

Another observer, Ethan Case, who considers himself a socially liberal, moderate Republican and supported Romney, notes in his blog that in a changing American society, an astonishing high percentage of Obama voters were members of the minorities, while many others were women and young people. "That's the future of America and if the Republican Party remains a purist cohort built around grumpy old white men, it is committing suicide. That's bad not just for the conservatives but our entire country," Case writes.

The Financial Times further added that Romney's decisive defeat will unleash another bout of soul-searching in the Republican Party, which is torn between conservative purists and a moderate rump that is aware the GOP must broaden its appeal to have any chance of regaining the White House.

So is Umno in the same position? To some political observers, it looks like it is heading that way. But, then again, this is a Malay party that has never lost a general election before and has, for the last 55 years, led a multi-racial coalition in governing the nation. It is the force that binds the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition and its partners, notably the Chinese-based MCA and Indian-based MIC.

In recent years, however, the Umno factor in BN has become so dominant that it has eclipsed its strength of being able to effectively lead a multi-racial party. Umno's policy of accommodation has been somewhat lost in the political equation, with many Chinese and Indians no longer seeing the MCA and MIC as equal partners. The BN has become a coalition in which Umno leads and MCA and MIC simply follow.

The true picture of this unhealthy balance of power within the coalition was revealed in the 2008 general election, when the BN's Chinese- and Indian-based parties lost badly. Instead of trying to help the MCA, MIC and Gerakan woo back the lost Chinese and Indians voters, Umno seems to have distanced itself from the old politics of accommodation.

Within Umno is an ultra element that is taking the party to the far right of Malay dominance and does not want to embrace prime minister and party president Datuk Seri Najib Razak's more reconciliatory approach, as embodied in the 1Malaysia concept.

Najib's more multi-racial approach, which is based on the principle of "people first, performance now" and seeks to strengthen the relationship and cooperation among the different races and religions, is somewhat lost within Umno's own propaganda machine and its mainstream media voice, Utusan Malaysia.

And as the general election draws nearer — it must be held within the second quarter of next year — the voices of reason within the party get further drowned out in any multi-racial and multi-religious discussions. Basically, the party and its soldiers have given up hope of gaining the non-Malay vote and believe that the way to go is to entrench its support in the Malay heartland.

Discussions on economics, education, scholarships, business opportunities, corporate equities, wealth, development, poverty eradication, quotas, language and Islam are skewed towards the "Malay-ness" of these issues.

Rather than arguing and putting these matters in a better perspective in the context of a Malaysia that aims to be a developed nation by 2020, arguments have been moulded around the theme of "the rights of the Malays that must be protected at all cost" — even if some of these privileges are already guaranteed in the Constitution.

Malays who do not subscribe to these strong and sometimes provocative views are deemed an ungrateful lot or labelled "compromised" bumiputeras They are continuously reminded by top Umno leaders, from past and present administrations, of the consequences of the Malays losing power. They are warned they could end up as "beggars" in their own country.

One advantage that Umno has over the Republican Party is that the Malay/Muslim population — unlike the whites in the US — is growing at a faster rate than the non-Malays. According to some estimates, the Malay/Muslim population will form 70% of the population by 2030, up from the current 60%. So, to some within Umno, it is worthwhile pursuing the politics of radicalisation.

But that might not work, as not all Malays support Umno and those who are politically inclined can opt for PAS and PKR. Those who strongly believe in a multi-racial platform might even consider the DAP if it chooses to become less of a Chinese-based party.

As for voters in general, notably the youths, many are ready to leave the politics of race behind. Political, racial and religious scaremongering is something that will not easily sway their views.

What matters more to them are a level playing field, more economic opportunities, greater freedom of speech, respecting their rights and fundamental liberties as enshrined in the Constitution, reducing corruption and crony capitalism, and voting hard-working representatives into Parliament and state assemblies.

Unlike the Republican party, Umno has yet to taste defeat in a general election, but it is a party that is beginning to lose its appeal to many non-Malays and Malays — and will continue to do so if it chooses the narrow path of racial politics.

Azam Aris is managing editor at The Edge. This story first appeared in The Edge weekly edition of Nov 12-18, 2012.