Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s suggestion that there should be a royal commission of inquiry (RCI) to investigate Tunku Abdul Rahman’s decision to grant citizenship to one million foreigners before the national independence in 1957 is a clear sign that the former prime minister may be losing his grip on a pivotal argument regarding citizenship.
Dr Mahathir is well-known to make tongue-in-cheek statements, many of which set people off in many directions. The fact that he quickly suggested that he did not really think that an RCI could be implemented, is a signal that we should not take his comment too seriously.
The reality is that if an RCI was held, it would be futile, precisely because all the actors are already dead. In short, Tunku Abdul Rahman could not possibly be able to defend himself. In fact, all those founding fathers and mothers of this nation have no opportunity to put their case before the RCI to refute the good doctor.
There is, of course, the history books that can do the talking for Tunku Abdul Rahman and his team, which incidentally also included Tun Razak, the father of our current PM. Dr Mahathir’s main argument is that the Tunku had agreed with the British colonial administration to grant citizenship to one million immigrants in exchange for merdeka (independence).
Obviously, Dr Mahathir thinks this to be a compromise; an agreement by the Alliance to share power with the non-Malays. Perhaps he wanted the Tunku to take up arms, instead of negotiating for a bloodless independence, opting for a gradual, but on hindsight, stable process of nation-building?
Some five years after 2008, we were back to square one, if Dr Mahathir’s views were a reflection of Umno’s attitude towards the non-Malays. Primarily, the non-Malays were ungrateful because they are making demands for full-participation in the political life of the nation.
By suggesting this, Dr Mahathir admits that BN’s non-Malay parties, including the MCA, MIC, Gerakan, PPP and others, are not full participants in the government coalition, precisely because they understand that political power must reside only with Umno.
Dr Mahathir is well-known to make tongue-in-cheek statements, many of which set people off in many directions. The fact that he quickly suggested that he did not really think that an RCI could be implemented, is a signal that we should not take his comment too seriously.
The reality is that if an RCI was held, it would be futile, precisely because all the actors are already dead. In short, Tunku Abdul Rahman could not possibly be able to defend himself. In fact, all those founding fathers and mothers of this nation have no opportunity to put their case before the RCI to refute the good doctor.
There is, of course, the history books that can do the talking for Tunku Abdul Rahman and his team, which incidentally also included Tun Razak, the father of our current PM. Dr Mahathir’s main argument is that the Tunku had agreed with the British colonial administration to grant citizenship to one million immigrants in exchange for merdeka (independence).
Obviously, Dr Mahathir thinks this to be a compromise; an agreement by the Alliance to share power with the non-Malays. Perhaps he wanted the Tunku to take up arms, instead of negotiating for a bloodless independence, opting for a gradual, but on hindsight, stable process of nation-building?
Some five years after 2008, we were back to square one, if Dr Mahathir’s views were a reflection of Umno’s attitude towards the non-Malays. Primarily, the non-Malays were ungrateful because they are making demands for full-participation in the political life of the nation.
By suggesting this, Dr Mahathir admits that BN’s non-Malay parties, including the MCA, MIC, Gerakan, PPP and others, are not full participants in the government coalition, precisely because they understand that political power must reside only with Umno.
'Tunku did things head-on'
This is in complete contrast with Tunku Abdul Rahman’s vision of a Malayan, and then Malaysian nation, where all citizens regardless of race and religion have the right to play a full role in the nation’s political, social, economic and cultural life. Where Dr Mahathir pales in comparison with the Tunku, is that the latter is a visionary - a person who has the broader vision of a harmonious nation united by a shared and common destiny.
Dr Mahathir, on the other hand, is concerned primarily with domination. He continues to make expedient decisions with grave consequences for the nation down the road.
When the Tunku and his team agreed with colonial policy to grant citizenship to one million migrants, making them full citizens of the Federation of Malaya, he did so openly and in the full light of day. There was no secrecy in the matter, no project IC, and he took on his critics head-on. An another thing, the Tunku operated under colonial rule, while Dr Mahathir acted as prime minister of an independent Malaysia.
Yet we are only learning about the granting of citizenship to migrants in Sabah some twenty years after it happened. That they were granted citizenship just before crucial state elections is, according to Dr Mahathir, mere coincidence. Whilst all of this was done ‘legally’, he should have done things openly, so that Malaysians have a chance to endorse or reject this governmental action.
Dr Mahathir also questions the ‘qualifications’ of the one million migrants that the Tunku and his team granted citizenship to, whilst the people he approved as citizens had lived in Sabah for 20 years, could speak Malay and, what is not said, were Muslims.
In contrast, what he did not say, but nonetheless implied, was that the one million migrants that the Tunku and his team caused to elect citizenship to did not have the right skin colour, religion and ability to speak the Malay language.
Firstly, some of the one million migrants who received citizenship had been brought to Malaya directly by the British with the consent of the Malay rulers, or had been caused to be in Malaya due to the needs of the colonial economy. This is very much like how we have ended up with some one million migrant workers owing to the current government policy towards labour, and the needs of the Malaysian economy as well.
There was no way that the British could send these people back to their homelands. There was also no way that Malaya could have disowned them, especially after some of them had been granted titles and honours by the Malay aristocracy. In short, the reality on the ground meant that the Tunku and his team had to accept them as full citizens.
Since that moment, Malaysia continues to be one of the world’s most successful multi-ethnic and multi-religious countries in the world.
We do not yet know enough about Sabah to draw conclusions about the reasons why the government acted the way it did. The speculation is that an increase in Muslim population in that state would tip the balance against the then ruling Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS). Since then, a power-sharing arrangement was instituted, and a divided Sabah has remained under the thumbs of the federal government ever since.
Dr Mahathir, on the other hand, is concerned primarily with domination. He continues to make expedient decisions with grave consequences for the nation down the road.
When the Tunku and his team agreed with colonial policy to grant citizenship to one million migrants, making them full citizens of the Federation of Malaya, he did so openly and in the full light of day. There was no secrecy in the matter, no project IC, and he took on his critics head-on. An another thing, the Tunku operated under colonial rule, while Dr Mahathir acted as prime minister of an independent Malaysia.
Yet we are only learning about the granting of citizenship to migrants in Sabah some twenty years after it happened. That they were granted citizenship just before crucial state elections is, according to Dr Mahathir, mere coincidence. Whilst all of this was done ‘legally’, he should have done things openly, so that Malaysians have a chance to endorse or reject this governmental action.
Dr Mahathir also questions the ‘qualifications’ of the one million migrants that the Tunku and his team granted citizenship to, whilst the people he approved as citizens had lived in Sabah for 20 years, could speak Malay and, what is not said, were Muslims.
In contrast, what he did not say, but nonetheless implied, was that the one million migrants that the Tunku and his team caused to elect citizenship to did not have the right skin colour, religion and ability to speak the Malay language.
Firstly, some of the one million migrants who received citizenship had been brought to Malaya directly by the British with the consent of the Malay rulers, or had been caused to be in Malaya due to the needs of the colonial economy. This is very much like how we have ended up with some one million migrant workers owing to the current government policy towards labour, and the needs of the Malaysian economy as well.
There was no way that the British could send these people back to their homelands. There was also no way that Malaya could have disowned them, especially after some of them had been granted titles and honours by the Malay aristocracy. In short, the reality on the ground meant that the Tunku and his team had to accept them as full citizens.
Since that moment, Malaysia continues to be one of the world’s most successful multi-ethnic and multi-religious countries in the world.
We do not yet know enough about Sabah to draw conclusions about the reasons why the government acted the way it did. The speculation is that an increase in Muslim population in that state would tip the balance against the then ruling Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS). Since then, a power-sharing arrangement was instituted, and a divided Sabah has remained under the thumbs of the federal government ever since.
'Dr M has a lot of explaining to do'
More importantly, Dr Mahathir as the PM at that time, had to assume full responsibility for decisions taken with regards to the actions of governmental officers granting citizenship to migrants in Sabah during those years.
Dr Mahathir has a lot of explaining to do, and the RCI has a lot of work to do as well, before we can get to the bottom of the matter. The reality now facing the BN in Sabah has to do with the unforeseen consequences that will now arise from the decisions taken in the early 1990s.
It has now been 20 years since Project IC was initiated, and a whole new generation has grown up in Sabah. Its native population has fled to the peninsular in search for jobs and opportunities as a massive supply of both legal and illegal immigrants have depressed wages for years. There is now great unhappiness with BN as the RCI grinds on.
Dr Mahathir is right when he warns Malaysians, and especially Malays, to vote carefully in the GE13. He can see the support for Umno and BN drain away and slipping out of his hands. But what about his comments about the Tunku?
Some readers may wonder why the Tunku tolerated an upstart like Dr Mahathir. He could have easily thrown the latter in jail, point out his Indian parentage, and strip him of his citizenship. What, in this case, of the unforeseen consequences of the Tunku’s pity?
Readers, if you remember the Lord of the Rings or more recently, Peter Jackson’s The Hobbit, you will recall the idea of Bilbo Baggins’s pity that spared the life of Gollum. It was this same pity and empathy for a fellow creature that eventually saved Middle Earth.
I fear it will be the same with the pity of Tunku Abdul Rahman - a true father of Malaysia - whose pity and generosity in sparing a young upstart Dr Mahathir, who will now lead on the saving of Malaysia as Dr Mahathir continues to undo Umno, BN and all his own achievements.
Dr Mahathir has a lot of explaining to do, and the RCI has a lot of work to do as well, before we can get to the bottom of the matter. The reality now facing the BN in Sabah has to do with the unforeseen consequences that will now arise from the decisions taken in the early 1990s.
It has now been 20 years since Project IC was initiated, and a whole new generation has grown up in Sabah. Its native population has fled to the peninsular in search for jobs and opportunities as a massive supply of both legal and illegal immigrants have depressed wages for years. There is now great unhappiness with BN as the RCI grinds on.
Dr Mahathir is right when he warns Malaysians, and especially Malays, to vote carefully in the GE13. He can see the support for Umno and BN drain away and slipping out of his hands. But what about his comments about the Tunku?
Some readers may wonder why the Tunku tolerated an upstart like Dr Mahathir. He could have easily thrown the latter in jail, point out his Indian parentage, and strip him of his citizenship. What, in this case, of the unforeseen consequences of the Tunku’s pity?
Readers, if you remember the Lord of the Rings or more recently, Peter Jackson’s The Hobbit, you will recall the idea of Bilbo Baggins’s pity that spared the life of Gollum. It was this same pity and empathy for a fellow creature that eventually saved Middle Earth.
I fear it will be the same with the pity of Tunku Abdul Rahman - a true father of Malaysia - whose pity and generosity in sparing a young upstart Dr Mahathir, who will now lead on the saving of Malaysia as Dr Mahathir continues to undo Umno, BN and all his own achievements.
NEIL KHOR completed his PhD at Cambridge University and now writes occasionally on matters that he thinks require better historical treatment. He is quietly optimistic about Malaysia's future.
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