The opposition party which bagged the most number of seats is expected to juggle between keeping the government in check, and standing up for the Chinese community as well.
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DAP scored a major victory by bagging 38 federal seats and 95 state seats, up from 28 federal seats and 73 state seats in the 2008 election.
Its coalition partners PKR won 39 federal seats and 49 state seats, whereas PAS captured 21 federal seats and 85 state seats.
While DAP by-and-large maintained its status quo in Penang, Perak and Selangor, it made significant inroads into Sarawak and Johor, the states where it only won one federal seat respectively in 2008 but captured five and four federal seats respectively this time.
In Sarawak, DAP has renewed the ground’s anti-establishment sentiments that first emerged in the 2011 Sarawak state election with its “Ubah” clarion call and hornbill mascot. In Stampin, the party newcomer Tan Kok Ping ousted BN’s five-term incumbent Yong Khoon Seng by 18,670-majority votes, polling 41,663 votes.
The party also captured Lanang, Sarikei and Sibu while retaining the Bandar Kuching federal seats.
DAP performed extremely well in Johor thanks to its many heavyweight leaders who took risks and forsaked their safe seats to contest in the BN stronghold state.
The arrival of DAP advisor Lim Kit Siang, assistant publicity secretary Teo Nie Ching and political education bureau chief Liew Chin Tong in Johor stirred up a wave of change across the state.
The trio eventually captured Gelang Patah, Kulai and Kluang respectively while defending Bakri which was won in 2008.
With DAP now becoming the strongest opposition party, its working relationship with fellow Pakatan colleagues may undergo a subtle change.
It would be even more so if PKR de facto leader Anwar Ibrahim, who had repeatedly vowed to quit politics should Pakatan failed to capture Putrajaya, relinquishes his post as the opposition leader one day.
Wear two hats
Besides, DAP would have to wear two hats now. It must play the role as opposition representatives to provide check and balance and better alternative on government policies.
It also has to take up MCA’s role to speak up for the Chinese community, given the fact that MCA has decided not to join the BN cabinet.
For DAP to start playing MCA’s role may yield two contrasting results. One is that the government may be even more responsive to Chinese’s requests because there would be no more closed-door polite negotiations between Umno and MCA.
DAP would go all out to ensure that every single issue that affects the Chinese community would be in the media limelight. This may force Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak to be extra careful when it comes to policies.
However, the situation may be the exact opposite. Without any representative at the government level, the Chinese community may become the victim of bad government policies because decision-making at the top level or the district or local levels would be beyond the knowledge of DAP.
The next five years would be a crucial test for DAP. It must show that as the largest opposition party it can champion the rights of all Malaysians, but at the same time it must also strive to preserve the Chinese interests in a country where racial politics is fast losing its significance.
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