Rafizi is wrong on these two counts

Following PKR vice-president Rafizi Ramli’s announcement of his return to active politics, he criticised PKR and Pakatan Harapan for being overzealous in efforts to regain power. He also claimed that it is not that important who the top leader (the prime minister) is, as the issues of who and what party leads the country is of little interest to the public.

Rafizi is wrong in both these assertions.

Having the power to rule is the prerequisite to bringing reforms to a country like Malaysia, which has been devastated by decades of rampant corruption and pervasive racism.

If Harapan is not in the seat of power, how could it carry out sweeping reforms to our institutions (judiciary, Attorney-General’s Chambers, police, MACC and other government bodies) to restore the rule of law and stamp out corruption while carrying out mass education to undo the deeply ingrained racist mindset of the masses?

And without these fundamental reforms, how could Malaysia rise from its current political quagmire to move onto the path of genuine nation-building towards a successful democratic state where the people enjoy a good quality of life in an ambience of harmony and unity?

Hence, lesson No 1 in Malaysian politics: Take power.

As for the issue of who the top leader is, it is in fact one of utmost importance.

Imagine if Dr Mahathir Mohamad had promptly passed the premiership to Anwar Ibrahim as pledged at the outset of the Harapan administration, would Rafizi genuinely believe that it would have made no difference to Harapan’s subsequent fate?

I believe the opposite would have happened. Meaningful reforms would have been carried out early that would see the restoration of integrity to our institutions, upgrading of our governance, gradual eradication of corruption, and phasing out of systemic racial discrimination. And that would in turn uplift the economy to benefit all races, thus winning confidence of the people in the reformist government.

The importance of a good top leader, particularly in a country undergoing tumultuous transition or challenges, is further exemplified by personalities like Deng Xiaoping, Lee Kuan Yew and Winston Churchill.

Without the sterling leadership of these leaders, we wouldn’t have seen the rapid emergence of the modern superpower China, the nation-building miracle of Singapore, and a war-ravaged Great Britain emerging triumphant in World War Two.

Hence, lesson No 2 in Malaysian politics: Select a good leader.

Harapan’s Johor defeat

As for Rafizi’s lament that Harapan’s Malay support has descended miserably to rank third, behind Barisan Nasional (BN) and Perikatan Nasional (PN), and attributing such decline to Harapan’s misstep in prioritising efforts to regain power while forgetting to focus on reforms for the long haul. But the truth is that Harapan’s Malay support nationwide (less than 30%) was also ranked third (after BN and PAS then) even during its triumph in GE14 (2018), though this time, it has substantially declined by losing a big chunk following the departure of Bersatu from Harapan to later team up with PAS under PN.

In fact, loss of Malay support is one of the two main reasons why Harapan had suffered a humiliating defeat in Johor, the other being the massive absenteeism of the Chinese electorate who supported Harapan almost monolithically.

Another significant contributing factor to Harapan’s Johor defeat is the imposition of the strict Covid-19 SOP, banning open-air mass rallies and indoor mass congregation, which had traditionally been opposition parties’ most powerful instrument to enlighten the masses over the ruling elite’s massive corruption and abuse of power, which would otherwise be buried deep in this semi-authoritarian state.

Minus that trump card, the opposition alliance couldn’t possibly have ushered in the “political tsunami” through GE12 and GE13 that culminated in the fall of the then unbeatable BN regime in GE14.

That is why Umno is so anxious to have GE15 now, so that it could “strike the iron while it is hot” through the restrictive SOP while the pandemic lasts.

Dangerous slip

As correctly observed by Rafizi in the Johor poll, following the slip of Malay votes from Harapan, Malay voters now appear to prefer Malay parties (BN, PN) rather than multiracial party Harapan. Malaysian politics may then degenerate into the dangerous scenario where Malay-dominated constituencies will become the exclusive battlefields of the Malay parties.

Why have some Malays become more racist after GE14?

The answer lies in the racist Mahathir helming the Harapan government, during which false racial propaganda propelled by Umno and PAS escalated to a zenith, and Mahathir’s own clandestine racial agenda was demonstrated in his “Malay Dignity Congress”, where Ketuanan Melayu was given full play – just months before Harapan’s fall during the Sheraton coup in Feb 2020.

I have always admired Rafizi for his integrity and his correct political ideology for this unique country Malaysia. He had made invaluable contributions to Harapan’s success in GE14 with his Invoke movement which not only constantly monitored the pulse of the electorate through opinion polls but also carried out door-to-door campaigning by an army of young volunteers to enlighten the electorate in some 40 marginal constituencies.

Rafizi was narrowly defeated by Azmin Ali for PKR’s No 2 post under dubious circumstances in late 2018. Otherwise, if he had beaten the treasonous Azmin who turned out to be one of the masterminds of the Sheraton coup, history could have been re-written.

His return to politics at this challenging time for Harapan is naturally welcome by many.

I have no doubt that he can make significant contribution towards turning the tide in favour of Harapan’s reform cause if he can persevere like what he had done so admirably well in the past – provided that he injects political pragmatism into his thinking this time and allow the interests of the nation to prevail over all other considerations.

Power is an essential part of politics. It is only with power that one can achieve his political objectives. Hence, a reformist must first gain power before he can institute the desired changes.

But to gain power is not easy. One has to be flexible and be ready to compromise to reach his destination – as long as the fundamental principles are not sacrificed.

I wish Rafizi a rewarding political journey ahead. - Mkini

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KIM QUEK is the author of the banned book ‘The March to Putrajaya’, and best-seller ‘Where to, Malaysia?’.

The views expressed here are those of the author/contributor and do not necessarily represent the views of MMKtT.