Former Singapore premier Lee Kuan Yew once stated that “an important basis of what made Singapore successful was the putting in place of the practice of meritocracy”.
The practice of meritocracy underlines the great strides the island-state has made since it separated from Malaysia to become among the top 10 richest countries today.
If Malaysia languishes, in comparison with Singapore, it is not just the lack of meritocracy that is practised but a host of other wrongdoings that has spelt doom to true democracy and the emergence of an inequitable society at friction with itself.
Everything was fine and dandy with the attainment of Merdeka and the government of the likeable Tunku Abdul Rahman (left). But the race riots of May 13, 1969 saw him eclipsed as prime minister and the rise of Abdul Razak Hussein to power.
During Razak’s tenure as premier, the New Economic Policy (NEP) was formulated, much to the dissatisfaction of non-bumiputeras. The hastily-conceived NEP created ill feelings.
While rightly trying to restore the equitable distribution of wealth, it used a completely poor and weak method of implementation, one that seemed to lack much thought, consideration, debate and discussion.
The NEP engendered a feeling of disquiet. Throughout its life span, it has greatly violated the practice of meritocracy and caused race relations to begin to deteriorate.
While it is true that the 1969 race riots were the result of the bumiputeras, especially the Malay community, being left behind in the Tunku’s push for economic prosperity, it was a situation of their own doing. When the other major races began to make gains, it blew up into a restive atmosphere.
In his bid to appease the Malays and to restore peace and stability, Razak (right) initiated the NEP in the hope that it would bring the largely underclass Malays to the forefront of the nation. While the intentions were noble and lofty, what evolved was the emergence of a governing Malay elite while the large majority of bumiputeras stayed in limbo.
If the NEP brought about benefits to any quarter, it was only in carving out an elite Malay society, those who were politically-connected to the ruling BN via Umno, all at the expense and sacrifice of the practice of meritocracy.
If we have witnessed the emigration of much valued Malaysians, the state of race relations becoming fragile by the surfacing of racial polarisation, and the general sentiment of anger, frustration and bitterness arising from non-bumputeras and even bumiputeras, it is largely because the NEP eliminated the practice of meritocracy.
What has evolved out is a situation, which is much more worrisome, is that most bumipuetras are in the ‘have not’ category and seem to yearn for a handout mentality from the BN.
Social injustice, oppression
The practice of meritocracy can be a tacky, touchy issue in a country that does not seem to have an open, unbiased understanding of how it works, especially by a government which feels it knows the way forward.
The absence of meritocracy has caused the distance between the ‘haves’ and the ‘have nots’ to grow wider. This is especially true among the Malay community where the large majority have failed to make progress in their daily lives beyond being boosted by government intervention to give the impression that they is advancing.
Such a falsehood is easily evident, yet the government tinkers with statistics to convince Malaysians and the international community that Malays are economically prosperous and doing fine.
But all is definitely not fine now. Malays have become a disgruntled and disunited lot with their political allegiance being skewered three ways now between Umno, PKR and PAS. If the meritocratic and fair, right and proper approach of the Tunku was perhaps explained and taught to the Malaysian masses in a wider way, then all would still be well with Malaysia and BN.
Since the implementation of the NEP, Malaysia and its citizens of all races have had to pay the price of a BN government that began the race of democracy well but faltered through its formulation of the NEP and has since lost its way.
While the untold damage of meritocracy not being in place has not and possibly cannot be charted and be placed on record for all to concur and realise, what is evident is that the failure to practise meritocracy is taking a heavy toll in causing much social injustice and oppression of the rakyat.
In the 13th general election, if BN hopes to make any improvement on its hold on power, if it is to even win by a simple majority, it needs to ensure that it begins to practise meritocracy in an open and transparent manner.
Otherwise, there is that real and grave danger that Malaysia will descend into a society at disarray with itself. Worse, what we will probably witness is that power and wealth will be concentrated among an elite few, while the Malaysian masses continue to endure hardship and deprivation.
The thrust is now upon the BN to show the way forward through fair practices, the practice of meritocracy or risk being shown the exit door by voters.
Even then, trying to backtrack now may come too late for the BN.
The practice of meritocracy underlines the great strides the island-state has made since it separated from Malaysia to become among the top 10 richest countries today.
If Malaysia languishes, in comparison with Singapore, it is not just the lack of meritocracy that is practised but a host of other wrongdoings that has spelt doom to true democracy and the emergence of an inequitable society at friction with itself.
Everything was fine and dandy with the attainment of Merdeka and the government of the likeable Tunku Abdul Rahman (left). But the race riots of May 13, 1969 saw him eclipsed as prime minister and the rise of Abdul Razak Hussein to power.During Razak’s tenure as premier, the New Economic Policy (NEP) was formulated, much to the dissatisfaction of non-bumiputeras. The hastily-conceived NEP created ill feelings.
While rightly trying to restore the equitable distribution of wealth, it used a completely poor and weak method of implementation, one that seemed to lack much thought, consideration, debate and discussion.
The NEP engendered a feeling of disquiet. Throughout its life span, it has greatly violated the practice of meritocracy and caused race relations to begin to deteriorate.
While it is true that the 1969 race riots were the result of the bumiputeras, especially the Malay community, being left behind in the Tunku’s push for economic prosperity, it was a situation of their own doing. When the other major races began to make gains, it blew up into a restive atmosphere.
In his bid to appease the Malays and to restore peace and stability, Razak (right) initiated the NEP in the hope that it would bring the largely underclass Malays to the forefront of the nation. While the intentions were noble and lofty, what evolved was the emergence of a governing Malay elite while the large majority of bumiputeras stayed in limbo.If the NEP brought about benefits to any quarter, it was only in carving out an elite Malay society, those who were politically-connected to the ruling BN via Umno, all at the expense and sacrifice of the practice of meritocracy.
If we have witnessed the emigration of much valued Malaysians, the state of race relations becoming fragile by the surfacing of racial polarisation, and the general sentiment of anger, frustration and bitterness arising from non-bumputeras and even bumiputeras, it is largely because the NEP eliminated the practice of meritocracy.
What has evolved out is a situation, which is much more worrisome, is that most bumipuetras are in the ‘have not’ category and seem to yearn for a handout mentality from the BN.
Social injustice, oppression
The practice of meritocracy can be a tacky, touchy issue in a country that does not seem to have an open, unbiased understanding of how it works, especially by a government which feels it knows the way forward.
The absence of meritocracy has caused the distance between the ‘haves’ and the ‘have nots’ to grow wider. This is especially true among the Malay community where the large majority have failed to make progress in their daily lives beyond being boosted by government intervention to give the impression that they is advancing.
Such a falsehood is easily evident, yet the government tinkers with statistics to convince Malaysians and the international community that Malays are economically prosperous and doing fine.But all is definitely not fine now. Malays have become a disgruntled and disunited lot with their political allegiance being skewered three ways now between Umno, PKR and PAS. If the meritocratic and fair, right and proper approach of the Tunku was perhaps explained and taught to the Malaysian masses in a wider way, then all would still be well with Malaysia and BN.
Since the implementation of the NEP, Malaysia and its citizens of all races have had to pay the price of a BN government that began the race of democracy well but faltered through its formulation of the NEP and has since lost its way.
While the untold damage of meritocracy not being in place has not and possibly cannot be charted and be placed on record for all to concur and realise, what is evident is that the failure to practise meritocracy is taking a heavy toll in causing much social injustice and oppression of the rakyat.In the 13th general election, if BN hopes to make any improvement on its hold on power, if it is to even win by a simple majority, it needs to ensure that it begins to practise meritocracy in an open and transparent manner.
Otherwise, there is that real and grave danger that Malaysia will descend into a society at disarray with itself. Worse, what we will probably witness is that power and wealth will be concentrated among an elite few, while the Malaysian masses continue to endure hardship and deprivation.
The thrust is now upon the BN to show the way forward through fair practices, the practice of meritocracy or risk being shown the exit door by voters.
Even then, trying to backtrack now may come too late for the BN.
CHRISTOPHER FERNANDEZ has been teaching and writing throughout Asia since 1984.
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