Will ultras allow BN to transform?

More local young talents with Malaysian mentality must be nurtured as future leaders to phase out the current aging and outdated leaders.

COMMENT

GEORGE TOWN: In the aftermath of another electoral drubbing, Barisan Nasional is still struggling to come to terms with being rejected for the second time by Chinese voters in Penang.

The results of May 5 polling day tore apart all pre-election predictions that BN somehow could close the gap on the ruling coalition, Pakatan Rakyat.

Pakatan’s electoral performance here was better than in 2008 as it secured more popular votes, won many seats with bigger majorities and added one more state seat to its armour.

In 2008 general election, Pakatan secured 29 out of 40 state seats and 11 out of 13 federal seats to capture the Penang government.

This time, the DAP-dominated Pakatan retained its state government in style by winning 30 state and 10 federal seats.

BN won all its 10 state and three federal seats through Umno while Gerakan, MCA and MIC were all wiped out yet again.

To add insult to injury, MCA candidates lost their deposits in two Chinese-dominated state constituencies of Berapit and Pengkalan Kota.

Pre-election forecast was that BN could win some ethnically mixed constituencies. But this did not materialise.

BN was confined to its Malay-dominated seats while Pakatan swept the rest.

Many election observers pointed to a “Chinese tsunami” in Penang. The community form the majority in this island-state.

Ninety percent, and in some instances 100%, of the Chinese voted for Pakatan candidates in Penang, perhaps thinking they could change the Putrajaya political set up.

BN strategists did not expect such big defections among Chinese voters. They had expected that at least 30% Chinese would vote for BN.

Their electoral mathematics failed and Gerakan, MCA and MIC were trounced.

Gerakan, MCA perceived as weak

Some MCA and Gerakan leaders claimed they were victims of negative public perception that their party was subservient to the dominant Umno.

They blamed it partly on the incompetence of their party leadership, Umno’s perceived superiority complex and Pakatan spins.

For instance, an insider said Umno leaders should first stop mentioning “Umno and BN” and instead only use the term “BN” all the time.

The insider opined that when Umno leaders used the term “Umno and BN”, it created a negative impression.

“It is as if Umno is different from BN and Umno was superior to BN and its component parties,” said the insider.

Hence, he said the Chinese perceived Gerakan and MCA as weak and subservient to Umno, adding that the DAP was quick to capitalise on it to stir a strong anti-Umno sentiment among Chinese.

He also blamed MCA and Gerakan leaders’ failure to counter the DAP’s racial tactics as another reason for the loss.

Ethnic Chinese, who are economically dominant, were allegedly made to believe that they would be politically powerful if the DAP came to federal power.

They were convinced that this was the only time they could kick out Umno once for all.

Allegations have also surfaced that many Chinese voters from other states had been transferred to Penang over the past five years.

These Chinese voters were said to be mostly from rural areas, where their votes were insignificant.

Dubious Chinese voters?

BN campaigners claimed that these Chinese voters have used addresses of mushrooming condominiums and apartments to transfer their votes with help from a particular party.

A local NGO leader claimed that several taxi drivers had told him that they ferried some dubious voters, mostly young Chinese men and women, from hotels in George Town to vote in polling stations all over the island.

He said the taxi drivers told him that the voters spoke different Malay dialect and did not know how to go about in Penang.

It’s learnt that the voters had shown electoral cards with logo of a particular political party for the taxi drivers to know their designated polling stations.

“If it is true, their behaviour was un-Penang-like. Penang people don’t fetch taxis to polling stations.

“They either use their own vehicles or they would fetch free rides on cars provided by political parties,” he told FMT.

But the NGO man conceded such claims would be difficult to prove based on hearsay unless a thorough investigation was carried out by relevant authorities.

He said like Pakatan, BN would also prefer to substantiate its electoral cases with solid evidence.

Leaving these aside, the pressing question now is what’s next for BN.

Teng Chang Yeow’s instant resignation as state BN chairman had opened the door for an Umno take over.

While conservatives may oppose the idea, some Gerakan, MCA, MIC and PPP leaders are not against it.

They would not mind a state BN leader from Umno who would uphold the principle of “1Malaysia” at all cost.

They would prefer an action-orientated Umno leader who would represent all ethnic groups than a leader from a so-called multiracial party which was only so in name.

Given the fast changing political landscape, climate and mass demands, BN from now must allow open internal dissent and critical views on its own deeds and misdeeds, like graft and racism.

Umno’s hurdle; Hindraf’s rise

Many of those interviewed said Pakatan allies’ open squabbles on various issues like hudud, although looking negative on the outset, had actually given a positive public impression.

“Voters perceived Pakatan allies as equals, unlike in BN where Umno is deemed superior to others.

“There shall be no sweeping things under the carpet,” said an observer.

Hence, BN can no longer allow Umno leaders to pass remarks and issue statements that would be perceived as racist and arrogant, and could undermine the credibility of its partners.

Umno on its part should produce and develop more Malaysian-typed leaders, and cut down the influence of ultras, to reach out to all Malaysians.

But Umno may face a hurdle here.

Even though many Umno young leaders and their president Najib Tun Razak would want to do that, they are likely to face severe condemnations from PAS and PKR Malays.

PAS and PKR Malays would constantly snare and snipe at Umno leaders, accusing them of being less Malay and Islamic, for their own political mileage.

How Umno is going to transform itself through BN and reach out to non-Malays nationally and in Penang remains to be seen.

But it has to start somewhere.

BN must transform itself to be appealing to a more youthful, energetic and dynamic electorate both at state and national levels.

More local young talents with Malaysian mentality must be nurtured as future leaders to phase out the current aging and outdated leaders.

The presence of Hindraf in the BN government could spell the end of MIC’s political prominence.

The last two elections exposed MIC’s imminent redundancy and its non-saleable brand among Indians.

If newly appointed deputy minister P Waythamoorthy, the Hindraf supremo, can deliver as promised, Najib would engage the movement, not MIC, to deliver the Indian votes in the next general election.

Hindraf’s promised deliverance on its five-year blueprint to uplift the marginalised Indians could be the key to BN’s next electoral success.

By then MIC could be living in Hindraf’s shadow.

One can understand now why MIC leaders were already moaning and lamenting about Waythamoorthy’s ministerial appointment.

Merging into a single BN entity

Meanwhile Gerakan may be heading for an even faster eventual demise unless it goes back to its roots.

Gerakan started as a multi-racial party but over the years it lost its ways to become a Chinese chauvinist entity.

For Gerakan to solely blame Chinese voters for its electoral drubbing is off the mark.

If only Gerakan had walked its talk on multi-racialism, it would not have suffered so badly. Instead of complaining, Gerakan should reflect on its own failings.

MCA could have paid the price for being a Chinese-based party for too long.

Maybe it is time for MCA to open its doors widely for non-Chinese members and leaders.

Another interesting proposition would be for MCA, Gerakan, PPP and MIC to merge into one party.

This would pave way for the eventual amalgamation of BN into a single party provided big brother Umno agrees to it.

If BN merges into a single cohesive political force, it can spurt ahead of Pakatan by a mile. Pakatan is a yet-to-be registered entity.

Now that would be the real BN transformation and could give the coalition an edge over Pakatan in Penang the next time.