For too long, Sabah has been governed by decisions made in Putrajaya, often by leaders who see the state as a political pawn rather than an equal partner.

The campaign trail for the upcoming Sabah election is heating up—even more intensely than the scorching weather gripping the state.
Maverick politician Jeffrey Kitingan has fired the opening salvo following Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi’s announcement that Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Harapan will align with local parties under the Gabungan Rakyat Sabah coalition to control the state for the next five years.
Zahid’s tone reeks of political arrogance—an extension of the colonial mentality that has lingered since the British exited North Borneo in 1963.
Once again, Sabah is being treated not as an equal partner in the Federation, but as a political pawn to be played with at the discretion of Peninsular-led coalitions.
This is a state election, yet national parties behave as though Sabah were their political sandbox. The root of the problem? A long-standing weakness in local leadership, which has allowed external forces to dictate Sabah’s political direction with little resistance.
Kitingan’s rallying cry— “Sabah for Sabahans”—has struck a raw nerve, stirring the hornet’s nest. It resonates with growing sentiment among Sabahans who feel increasingly marginalised, manipulated and misrepresented in national politics.
Whether this marks a turning point or just more political theatre remains to be seen. But one thing is clear: Sabahans are frustrated, and this election may well shape the state’s political destiny for years to come.
The politics of federalism in Malaysia has hardly changed. It still relies on subtle coercion—intimidating the people into submission through fear and promises of development, only if they align with the ruling federal coalition.
We saw this clearly during the 2020 Sabah state election, when then prime minister Muhyiddin Yassin, representing the Perikatan Nasional government, toured the state with a familiar message: Sabah would receive more development funds only if it aligned with the federal government.
Five years on, Sabah still has the highest poverty rate in Malaysia.
Yes, blame must also fall on local leaders who continue to fall for the same trap—choosing short-term perks and positions over long-term state autonomy and prosperity. Their willingness to trade Sabah’s future for ministerial posts or positions in GLCs has kept the vicious cycle going.
Sabahans are politically fatigued. Many of those I’ve spoken to express a deep sense of disillusionment with the current political landscape. There’s growing frustration with the same recycled faces—leaders who have become wealthy, complacent and increasingly out of touch.
The old guard, once seen as defenders of Sabah’s rights, are now viewed as easily manipulated by federal leaders, and willing to compromise the state’s interests for personal gain and fleeting power.
Amid this disillusionment, a quiet but steady hope is emerging: a desire for young, independent candidates to rise and reshape Sabah’s political future. Voters are looking for fresh voices—unbound by party baggage and unafraid to speak truth.
Sabah doesn’t just need a change in government. It needs a generational reset.
Sabah and Sarawak are, without doubt, the two richest states in Malaysia—abundant in oil, gas, minerals, and other natural resources.
And federal leaders are well aware of this. This is precisely why they are reluctant to allow these two independent-minded states full control over their own wealth.
The long-standing dispute between Sarawak and Petronas over ownership and control of oil and gas is a clear example. While Petronas is often portrayed as the entity that “lays the golden egg” for the nation, this is far from the truth.
The real golden goose is not Petronas—but the resource-rich lands of Sabah and Sarawak. Without them, Petronas would have far less to extract, and the nation far less to profit from.
Yet, while wealth flows to Putrajaya, Sabah and Sarawak remain underdeveloped, underfunded, and politically undermined. This imbalance is no longer justifiable—nor sustainable.
Umno ruled Sabah for more than a decade but has not taken Sabah out of its poverty levels during its rule. There is a lack of investment that create jobs leading to the labour force migrating to Peninsular Malaysia in search of jobs and better pay.
Sabah’s vast potential has been squandered under leadership more focused on political survival than meaningful development. The people deserve better than recycled politicians, broken promises and temporary fixes.
The slogan “Sabah for Sabahans” resonates with the people who have long felt sidelined in the national development agenda. It captures a deep yearning—for dignity, for control over the state’s own wealth, and for an end to decades of being treated as second-class within the Malaysian federation.
For too long, Sabah has been governed by decisions made in Putrajaya, often by leaders who see the state as a political pawn rather than an equal partner. The call for “Sabah for Sabahans” is more than a slogan—it is a demand for change. But slogans alone are not enough.
If it is to be a true catalyst for reform, it must be backed by courageous leadership, grassroots mobilisation, and a clear, actionable roadmap for autonomy, transparency and equitable development.
The question is no longer whether the people are ready—many already are. The real question is whether the leaders who champion this cause will rise to meet the moment with integrity, unity and the political will to finally put Sabah first. - FMT
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of MMKtT.
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