The ‘Indian problem’ revisited

 

From I Lourdesamy

The Indian problem has been with us for over 100 years. Its roots go back to when Indians were brought to Malaya from South India to work in rubber estates and tea plantations. There was an urban component to the problem where Indians worked menial government jobs in municipalities in towns.

Both in estates and towns, Indian workers were exploited with low wages and poor living conditions, with little or no access to education, health and other amenities.

They lived in abject poverty in crowded quarters and ghetto-like conditions. Their life was a vicious cycle of poverty, deprivation, exploitation and alienation.

This was the Indian problem for the better part of the last century.

Concerned Indians even then attempted to tackle the problem. They put pressure on the colonial government to improve wages and living conditions in estates. Under pressure, the colonial government did pass several labour legislations to improve working conditions in estates.

Estate workers were unionised in 1954 as the National Union of Plantation Workers (NUPW). The National Land Finance Co-operative Society (NLFCS) was established in 1960 to mitigate the effects of estate fragmentation.

Several self-help programmes were organised by Indian academics, trade unionists, NGOs and politicians to deal with the Indian problem which had got worse after 1969.

These efforts were directed at the economic, educational and social problems of the Indians. In economics, Sampoorna Holdings (1979) and Maika Holdings (1982) were incorporated to improve Indian equity share and create jobs.

In education, there was the PPN Hostel (1966), Rama Subbiah Scholarship Fund (1967), Vanto Academy (1980), the Asian Institute of Medicine, Science and Technology (AIMST, 2001) and Sri Murugan Centre (SMC).

In the social area, there was the Educational Welfare Research Foundation (EWRF, 1967).

There were also many small, grassroot projects all over the country to help Indians.

This was the Indian “reformasi”, a multifaceted movement to address the Indian problem. The attempt failed to make any serious dent in the Indian problem, partly because there was no meaningful response from the government which was preoccupied with the Malay agenda and partly because of poor Indian leadership and limited Indian resources.

The Indian problem remains today but in a new form. The structure of the problem has changed, making the old reformasi solutions irrelevant or ineffectual. The Indian problem is no longer an estate problem or the problem of Indian poverty in municipalities in towns. Indians are no longer in these sectors.

The Indian problem today is a problem of a small minority struggling to get into the mainstream of the national economy and society. Presently, the Indian community is largely excluded from the country’s growth and development.

Given the political dynamics of the country, it would be unrealistic to expect any meaningful affirmative action for Indians from the government. So, where does this leave the Indians?

One solution suggested is for Indians to pack and leave before the situation gets worse. I don’t subscribe to this view because such an option is not available to the majority of the Indian community, which is less educated and with fewer resources.

Also, the global economics and geopolitics are fast changing. By 2050, the developing world is expected to overtake the developed world in many dimensions of economics and social development, which means countries like Malaysia will also see more growth, change and progress. There is reason for optimism. So, packing and leaving is not the right option, even if one has this option available.

The solution to the Indian problem is capacity building and integrating with the national and global economy. Once Indians are integrated with the mainstream national economy, the benefits of national development will flow to them. If they remain outside the mainstream, these benefits will not accrue to them and they will remain poor and disadvantaged, seeking affirmative action help from the government all the time.

The emerging new economy based on technology and digitalisation will create many new industries and jobs for those with the right knowledge, skills and competencies.

Indians need to acquire these skills and competencies to get high-paying jobs in the new economy. This means going into new areas of study in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) and into technical and vocational education and training (TVET).

The future high-paying jobs are going to be in STEM and TVET. The goal is to increase Indian household income through having high-paying jobs in new industries and services. For this, capacity building is critical.

A university degree is no longer a passport to employment and good jobs. What counts is competency and performance. Certifications of competence can come from shorter study programmes offered by polytechnics, community colleges and professional bodies and even from online courses. These are micro-certifications of levels of competence in specific skill areas.

These need to be continually upskilled and reskilled to remain relevant to industry. High performers can opt for universities, but for the majority it is education and training for competencies. The rush for matriculation programmes is a reflection of the old mindset.

Indians need to understand the new economics of education. They need to log in to the economic and human capital development plans and programmes of the government to exploit the new job opportunities. If we can get 50% of Indians in the age group 18-24 to get into STEM and TVET in the next five years, we can significantly increase Indian household income and dent the Indian problem and eventually solve it.

The new economy can be a great equaliser for Indians. - FMT

I Lourdesamy is a former deputy chief education officer of Penang and an FMT reader.

The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of MMKtT.