For stability and economic growth in any nation, citizens must be secure in the belief that they can depend on these institutions to not only do the right thing but also right wrongs if the situation so demands.

This year not only saw greater public scrutiny of the government and government institutions, it also saw public opinion pummelling several of them.
From what I gather, there is a deep erosion in public trust when it comes to the manner in which several government departments and agencies are operating.
Confidence in crucial agencies such as the police, the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC), the Attorney-General’s Chambers (AGC) and the immigration department has declined in recent years; and it has been made worse by recent events and revelations.
Although all these departments and agencies had some remarkable successes in 2025, I’ll mention only those areas where the public feels they have failed. This is not to disparage or discourage them but rather to cause reflection and institute reforms to win back public trust.
Take the immigration department: This year, authorities arrested officers at several airports for being allegedly involved in “counter-setting,” where immigration counters were pre-assigned to enable the illegal entry of foreigners in exchange for bribes. Last year, it was reported that about 300 personnel were involved in corrupt activities.
These officers guard our borders and if they allow anyone willing to pay bribes into the country, it becomes a security issue.
Take the police: On Dec 3, lawyers representing the families of three men shot dead by police in Durian Tunggal, Melaka, on Nov 24 claimed they were killed “execution-style”. The lawyers provided audio and forensic evidence to support their claim.
Police had earlier claimed that the trio – M Puspanathan, 21, T Poovaneswaran, 24, and G Logeswaran, 29 –were serial robbers who had attacked an officer with a parang.
Discerning members of the public wondered why the police went on the defensive after the family of the trio revealed audio and other evidence that something was amiss in the police story.
The persistence of family members and their lawyers resulted in the AGC ordering the shooting to be classified as murder. Many Malaysians were left asking: “Would the deaths have been classified as murder, or even investigated, if the family had no such evidence?”
Malaysians have also expressed concern about the continuing deaths of detainees under police and immigration custody.
Elsewhere, the High Court held the government and police accountable in the enforced disappearances of Pastor Raymond Koh and Perlis-based activist Amri Che Mat.
Justice Su Tiang Joo, in his full judgement reported on Dec 2, said police officers investigating Pastor Raymond Koh’s abduction had disregarded their statutory duties under the law to safeguard public life and security, as well as to prevent and detect crime.
“The court took into consideration the (police’s) conduct after the abduction – concealment of information, misdirection of inquiries, and failure to pursue obvious investigative leads.
“These omissions were not neutral. Rather, they suggest involvement of individuals who either possessed direct knowledge or had reason to protect those responsible,” he said.
This is a terrible indictment of the very force that is paid a salary from taxpayer money to protect citizens and keep public order.
Regarding Amri, Justice Su noted the prolonged police inaction in its investigation into the disappearance of Amri from June 2019 until July 2025.
Also, many Malaysians are wondering why it is taking so long for the police to locate the daughter of M Indira Gandhi who was taken away in 2008 by Indira’s former husband after he converted to Islam. Indira hasn’t seen Prasana Diksa since then.
On Nov 25, Suhakam, in saying the police were duty bound to enforce a High Court ruling to reunite Indira with Prasana, added: “Any failure or delay to enforce a judicial directive erodes public trust in law enforcement.”
Take the MACC: The latest incident involving the way it dealt with the corruption allegations and investigations into businessman Albert Tei, especially the manner of his arrest, has hurt its image even more.
The raid on Tei’s home followed the MACC’s probe into Shamsul Iskandar Akin, who resigned as the prime minister’s political aide after corruption allegations were levelled against him. Tei and Shamsul have since been charged with corruption.
In March, the Malaysian Bar called for structural reforms of the MACC “to restore public trust and ensure it functions as a truly independent anti-corruption institution”.
Also, concerns were raised when Pamela Ling, 42, was reportedly abducted in Putrajaya on April 9 while travelling to the MACC office regarding an investigation into alleged corruption and money-laundering involving her and her estranged husband Thomas Hah.
Fingers were pointed at the MACC, forcing its chief Azam Baki to state that it was unfair to blame it for her disappearance.
There have also been claims, including by former prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad, that the MACC is being used as a political tool, which both the MACC and the government have vehemently denied.
Some critics allege that selected people have been targeted.
Similar claims, in this case allegations of selective prosecution, have been laid at the feet of the AGC, which it has denied.
In fact, Malaysians have been taken aback by some of its decisions, especially the withdrawal of court cases against prominent people.
In June, the AGC had to refute claims that the prosecution in the money laundering case involving funds from SRC International Sdn Bhd was flawed after the High Court granted a DNAA to former prime minister Najib Razak over three money laundering charges involving RM27 million linked to SRC.
In making the ruling, High Court Judge K Muniandy noted that the trial had stalled since 2019. He said: “The prolonged wait for trial has become a long haul for the accused person, denying him of a timely resolution. This court is also mindful of the prevailing fact that the preferred charges against the accused date back to the offence being committed in the year 2014, now it is 2025, and the case has not taken off for trial.”
Critics were appalled when, in November 2024, the High Court granted a DNAA and freed Najib and Mohd Irwan Serigar Abdullah of RM6.6 billion criminal breach of trust charges related to 1MDB as the trial had similarly stalled.
High Court judge Muhammad Jamil Hussin noted that the “case was registered in 2018 but the trial cannot proceed even when trial dates have been set many times. This is an inordinate delay”.
And Malaysians were reminded of the DNAA granted on Sept 3, 2023 to deputy prime minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi over 12 criminal breach of trust charges, eight counts of bribery and 27 for money laundering, involving millions of ringgit belonging to Yayasan Akal Budi.
This was because on Dec 22, lawyer Syed Amir Syakib Arsalan Syed Ibrahim filed an application for judicial review, seeking, among other things, a mandamus order to compel the attorney-general and the prosecutors to complete their investigation and review the DNAA granted to Zahid.
Also, the Dec 20 acquittal of Segambut Bersatu deputy division chief Adam Radlan Adam Muhammad on 12 corruption and money laundering charges after the AGC accepted his representation and confirmed that he had settled a RM4.1 million compound stumped many Malaysians.
All said and done, 2025 was not a particularly good year for these departments and agencies.
The fact is, for stability and economic growth in any nation, citizens must trust government institutions. They must be secure in the belief that they can depend on these institutions to not only do the right thing but also right wrongs if the situation so demands.
The trust is especially crucial when it comes to enforcement agencies such as the police, immigration and the MACC, as well as the AGC. - FMT
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of MMKtT.

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