When corruption becomes someone else’s problem: Why political loyalty must not override accountability

 

A RECENT Free Malaysia Today opinion piece, “A theory on why Malays accept corrupt leaders” by Dr Mohd Tajuddin Rasdi raises an uncomfortable question about Malaysia’s political culture. It argues that education, economic circumstances, religion and party sentiment may shape how some Malays view corruption.

Whether one agrees with the theory or not, the issue deserves a much wider national conversation.

The danger is not that Malaysians of any race or religion are naturally tolerant of corruption. Such a conclusion would be unfair and unsupported.

The real danger is what happens when political, ethnic or religious loyalty becomes strong enough for people to excuse misconduct by those they see as “their own”.

If that mindset persists, Malaysia could pay a heavy price.

The first casualty would be accountability.

A democracy cannot function properly if corruption is condemned when the other side does it but rationalised when it is committed by one’s own party or community.

Such double standards risk teaching politicians that loyalty can shield them from public scrutiny.

The second casualty would be institutions.

(Image: Borneo Post Online)

Malaysia’s Rukun Negara places the supremacy of the Constitution and the rule of law among its five principles, alongside belief in God, loyalty to King and Country, and courtesy and morality.

These principles cannot be applied selectively for political convenience.

If citizens gradually lose confidence that the law applies equally to everyone, respect for institutions will weaken. Parliament, enforcement agencies, the civil service and other public bodies depend not only on legal powers, but also on public confidence that those powers are exercised fairly.

The economic consequences could also be serious.

Corruption is not limited to envelopes of cash or illegal commissions. It can involve inflated contracts, politically connected businesses, wasteful projects, weak procurement and decisions made for private or partisan benefit rather than public value.

The International Monetary Fund has recognised corruption as a significant barrier to Malaysia’s economic and social advancement.

In its 2025 assessment, the IMF also noted that Malaysia’s National Anti-Corruption Strategy 2024-2028 includes proposed measures such as a Government Procurement Act and Freedom of Information Act to strengthen transparency and accountability.

There is another, less visible danger: the corruption of public morality itself.

When young Malaysians repeatedly see political figures accused of wrongdoing defended because they belong to a particular party, race or religious constituency, they may eventually conclude that integrity is naïve and connections matter more than competence.

That would be deeply damaging.

A country cannot build a high-income, knowledge-based economy while quietly teaching its younger generation that success depends on political connections rather than merit, transparency and hard work.

Malaysia has also shown that institutional reform is possible.

The government has proposed measures including a 10-year limit on the prime minister’s tenure, separating the Attorney-General’s advisory and prosecutorial functions, establishing an Ombudsman and introducing freedom-of-information legislation.

The Freedom of Information Bill was referred to a parliamentary committee in July, while the proposed reforms remain part of the broader institutional reform agenda.

But laws alone cannot solve the problem.

A culture of accountability must also come from citizens.

(Image: Bernama)

The question Malaysians should ask is not simply, “Why do Malays accept corrupt leaders?”

It should be:

“Why does any Malaysian tolerate corruption when the offender belongs to our political, ethnic or religious camp?”

That is the real national challenge.

Malaysia’s future should not depend on whether corruption is committed by “our side” or “their side”.

The standard must be the same for everyone: public office is a trust, public money belongs to the people, and wrongdoing must be investigated regardless of who is responsible.

If Malaysians allow political loyalty to override that principle, the greatest damage may not be the money lost.

It will be the gradual loss of trust, institutional credibility, moral standards and faith in democracy itself.

And rebuilding those once lost will be far more expensive than preventing corruption in the first place. 

KT Maran is a Focus Malaysia reader.

The views expressed are solely of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of  MMKtT.

- Focus Malaysia.