How to implement ‘one person, one vote’ for GE16

 This simple-majority plan will address disparities in the value of votes if the Election Commission starts now.

From Lim Teck Ghee

In Selangor, a voter in Sabak Bernam has roughly six times as much say in who goes to Parliament as a voter in Bangi. Nationally, the largest seat has about 10 times the voters of the smallest.

That is not “one person, one vote”.

This can be fixed before the next general election (GE16) without amending the Federal Constitution and without any state losing a single seat. The window is open now. The eight-year constitutional freeze on redrawing peninsula boundaries ended in March 2026, and the Sabah and Sarawak freezes have also lapsed.

But the clock is short: every step must be completed before Parliament is dissolved for GE16. If it is not, the next election will be fought on the 2018 map.

At a glance

The problem: some voters’ ballots carry six times as much weight as others’, even within the same state. The fix: redraw boundaries so no seat is more than one-third above or below its state’s average.

What it needs: a simple majority in the Dewan Rakyat. No constitutional amendment. No state loses a seat. The deadline: the report must be passed before Parliament dissolves, no later than Dec 19, 2027.

There are more than 300,000 voters in Bangi, Selangor. There are about 51,000 voters in Sabak Bernam in the same state. There is a 6:1 value difference between their vote power.

Population growth, urban migration and the Undi18 reforms – automatic voter registration and lowering the voting age to 18 – added millions of new voters, many in fast-growing urban and suburban seats such as Bangi and Damansara.

The 2018 boundaries were not drawn for this electorate. The result is a map in which where you live decides how much your vote is worth.

Why it matters to every Malaysian

Equal voice: every citizen’s ballot should carry roughly the same weight. Today, it depends on your postcode.

Fair competition: lopsided boundaries let parties win majorities that do not reflect how people voted and have long-fed suspicion of gerrymandering.

Better service and fairer spending: one MP cannot properly serve 300,000 constituents. Over-represented areas also attract a disproportionate share of political attention and public money.

Trust in elections: a transparent, data-driven review rebuilds confidence in the Election Commission (EC) and gives young and first-time voters a reason to turn out.

The plan: the one-third rule, applied within each state

Section 2(c) of the 13th Schedule of the Federal Constitution already says the number of electors in each constituency within a state ought to be approximately equal while allowing some extra weight for hard-to-reach rural areas.

The plan simply gives that principle a measurable target.

No state gains or loses seats. Perlis keeps three, Pahang keeps 14, Selangor keeps 22. Calculate each state’s average number of voters per seat. Redraw the boundaries so every seat falls within one-third (±33%) of that average, aiming for ±25% wherever geography allows. Rural weightage stays, but within a defined limit.

For example, Selangor’s 22 parliamentary seats have an average of about 167,000 voters each. Under the one-third rule, each seat would have to have between 111,000 and 222,000 voters.

Shrinking Bangi and enlarging Sabak Bernam – and doing the same across the state – brings every Selangor seat into a defensible range.

Why this is legal and politically passable

Redrawing boundaries inside each state needs only a simple majority to approve the EC’s report in the Dewan Rakyat. The 2018 report passed this way.

Changing how many seats each state has would mean amending Article 46, which needs a two-thirds majority (148 of 222 MPs). This plan leaves Article 46 untouched.

The timing is lawful. Article 113 allows a review once eight years have passed since the last one and requires it to finish within two years. The peninsula freeze ended in March 2026.

It has been done this quickly before. The previous peninsula review, begun in 2016, went from start to Dewan Rakyat approval in roughly 18 months. The maths works, the constitution allows it and the timeline is viable. What is missing is the decision to start.

Sabah and Sarawak: complementary, not competing

The federal government has agreed in principle to restore Sabah and Sarawak to one-third of Dewan Rakyat seats, in line with the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63), and talks with the EC have begun. That is a separate track, as adding seats requires amending Article 46 by a two-thirds majority, plus wide consultation.

The two reforms should run in parallel. Fixing the gaps within each state does not depend on the outcome of the MA63 seat talks – and must not be delayed while those talks continue.

The clock

From now until December, the EC must formally notify the speaker and prime minister. The first proposed maps would then be gazetted and displayed publicly for a month.

From January to March 2027, the first round of local enquiries would hear objections. From April to June 2027, the EC revises maps where justified and puts them up on display for a month if revisions are made.

From July to September 2027, the second round of local enquiries would be held, after which the EC would submit its final report to the prime minister.

From October to November 2027, the report would be tabled at the budget sitting and passed by a simple majority. The royal order could then be made and gazetted before Parliament is dissolved automatically on Dec 19, 2027, if not earlier.

This is tight but achievable, provided the EC begins before the end of 2026 and Parliament is not dissolved before the report is passed.

Answering the critics

“Isn’t this too rushed?” The constitution allows two years; this plan uses about 18 months, matching the last peninsula review.

“Who benefits politically?” Voters do and the nation too. Some safe seats will become competitive, which is why incumbents of every party may object.

Call to action

The EC must formally commence the review before the end of 2026.

The prime minister must commit to tabling the final report promptly and to not dissolving Parliament before it is decided.

All MPs and political parties must pledge publicly to support a fair, within-state realignment, regardless of its effect on their own seat.

A fairer map before GE16 is within reach. All it takes is the political will to begin.

(Voter figures are based on the GE15 electoral roll). - FMT

Lim Teck Ghee is a public policy analyst.

The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of MMKtT