What do the RoS (Registry of Societies), police, judges and Election Commission has in common in relation to the Malaysia 14th General Election? They are not independent institutions. Instead, they have proven to be working hand in glove with caretaker Prime Minister Najib Razak to guarantee another shameful victory for the highly corrupted Thief-in-Chief.
First, let’s take a look at the RoS. Mr. Najib and his gang of paid cybertroopers, propagandists and bloggers have been foaming at the mouth whining, crying and bitching that opposition leader Mahathir Mohamad is too old to become a prime minister again. They said the 93-year-old former premier, despite having ruled for 22 years (1981 – 2003), isn’t qualified at all.
Yet, instead of taking the bull by the horns, Najib cowardly told RoS to declare Mahathir’s political party “illegal” at the eleventh hour, just a day before the Parliament was dissolved on 7 April, 2018. On the contrary, Najib’s own political party – UMNO – was given a new lease of life when the same RoS legalised the “illegal” party.
Only in Malaysia can a legal party belonging to opposition becomes “illegal”overnight, while an “illegal” party belonging to ruling government suddenly becomes “legal”. Only in Malaysia can a ruling party (UMNO) be allowed to operate without having party elections since Oct 19, 2013, while opposition parties would be declared as “illegal society” at lightning speed.
When questioned, the RoS, of course, will always challenge anyone not happy with its decision to seek justice at the judiciary level. Ahh, this is where the Malaysian “Kangaroo Court” comes to play. The judges, as usual, would most often than not side with the ruling government. Hence, High Court Judge Justice Kamaludin Md Said conveniently dismissed application to declare UMNO illegal.
The “Kangaroo Judge” declared – “A political party’s decision on the party’s affairs ‘shall be final and conclusive’ and shall not be challenged, reviewed, questioned or quashed in any court.” Cool, the laughable verdict means all political parties are immune to lawsuits as long as they introduce a section to say party’s affairs cannot be challenged in any court.
Thirdly, comes the police. Instead of hunting down criminals, Malaysian police force has shown great interest in playing politics. Out of the blue, the police said candidates must obtain a permit before holding “ceramah (campaign)”, not to mention the authorities must be notified with a 10-day notice before such campaign can proceed – a tactic to prevent opposition leaders from speaking.
Finally, here’s how the Election Commission openly and unfairly helps Mr. Najib and his ruling coalition Barisan Nasional. They have since redrawn the constituency boundaries favouring caretaker PM Najib Razak. Thanks to gerrymandering, 15 parliamentary seats supporting the opposition parties saw more than 100,000 voters packed to each of the constituents.
On the contrary, 30 of the smallest constituencies, the tiniest of which has fewer than 18,000 voters, were created to support Najib’s Barisan Nasional. But gerrymandering wasn’t the last trick that the supposedly independent Malaysian Election Commission has unleashed to help Najib steals the 2018 election. The country’s Election Commission is arguably the biggest cheater in the world.
During the last 13th general election in 2013, the indelible ink turned out to be delible after all. The Election Commission gave an amazing excuse – the inexperienced officers didn’t “shake” the indelible ink hard enough. The commission then insulted peoples’ intelligence, saying that even though the ink was washable, you can still detect the presence of the ink using “magnifying glass”.
In the same 2013 election, the Election Commission also conveniently announced a record voter turnout of 85% instead of the estimated 80% it had announced earlier. That extra 5% of votes meant tons of phantom votes had probably went to Najib’s Barisan Nasional coalition parties. Chances are the same trick will be used again this round – with a sudden spike in voter turnout.
Already, the cheating has started on the nomination day (Saturday). Opposition candidate Tian Chua was disqualified over a RM2,000 fine in 2010, despite the fact he was allowed to contest in the 2013 General Election. It appears the election returning officer had acted in bad faith. A High Court judge had ruled that Tian Chua would only be disqualified if “the fine was RM2,001 and above.”
Even the bias Dewan Rakyat (Lower House) Speaker Pandikar Amin Mulia had made a ruling in 2011 that Tian Chua remains as MP and the RM2,000 fine does not automatically remove his position as the MP. Another opposition candidate, Dr. S Streram, was disqualified after more than a dozen police allegedly prevented him from entering the nomination centre – threatening to handcuffhim instead.
Such suppression and oppression tactics used by both the disgraceful police and Election Commission should not come as a surprise. After all, they have banned the photos of opposition figureheads – Mahathir Mohamad and Anwar Ibrahim – from being used on posters across the country ahead of the May 9 polling date.
However, photos of Najib and his gang members, including those of friendly-party PAS (Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party) are allowed and most welcomed to be displayed across the country. It is not hard to understand why Najib is so bloody afraid of mentor-turned-rival Mahathir’s photo that the Election Commission is reduced to running his errands.
When former premier Mahathir visits the villages, he attracts record crowds. He does not need much publicity. However, when scandal-plagued Najib goes on these village walkabouts, he has been known to have a bunting of his father, the country’s second Prime Minister Abdul Razak, and leaflets, reminding people of his father’s greatness and past contributions.
But the biggest trick that the Election Commission could and would probably reveal on the night of May 9 will make Donald Trump’s stunning win in the 2016 Presidential Election looks like a child playground. Here’s how the 2018 election could be stolen. At the end of the polling day and counting process, the most important document is the “Form-14”.
Form-14 will confirm the total number of votes the candidates get at each polling station. After the votes are counted, the results would be recorded on From 14, certified by signature by the “Election Officer & Counting Agents” from all sides present. Combining all the Form 14 in one electoral area will produce the (unofficial) election result.
In short, if the election has been conducted without fraud, the (unofficial) result from the Form-14, with a little margin of error, should match the official result announced by the Election Commission. Like the 2013 General Election, the Election Commission is expected to deny the opposition parties’ counting agents a copy of the Form-14 this round.
Five years ago, between 30 to 40 constituencies experienced irregularities when the Election Commission refused to produce the Form-14 when requested by the then opposition coalition Pakatan Rakyat. If you think Saturday’s nomination day was bad, wait till you see the awesome cheating, suppression and oppression by the Election Commission on May 9th.
Heck, in order to prevent check and verification, the commission might even decide not to produce Form-14 at all to the counting agents. At the end of the day, the election officers would simply give a “pre-prepared” Form-14 with results that show Najib coalition Barisan Nasional parties have mysteriously won, even though the initial “unofficial” counting results show otherwise.
Here’s the best part when the overall results show Najib is about to lose power. Nope, we’re not talking about a sudden blackout at counting centers, even though that would most likely happen. What could and would happen in the “mother of all cheatings” is the refusal of Malaysia Election Commission to announce the official results.
The idea behind the delay tactic is to allow the commission officials to go back to the results and change them. There are many things the Election Commission can do during this “blackout” period. They can manipulate the postal votes derived from civil servant voters – numbering a staggering 1 million – by re-distributing them to Barisan Nasional candidates who have lost narrowly.
The postal votes are key to Najib’s survival because they’re so secretive that opposition has no control over its handling process. After the commission re-tabulate and re-distribute the postal votes, opposition candidates who thought they have won would be greeted with the emergence of missing ballot boxescarrying the so-called postal votes, and voila, Najib’s men or women have won.
Only the results announced by Election Commission officers can be considered official. In essence, as long as the commission refuses to declare opposition as the winners, Mahathir can’t form the next government. Therefore, get ready to be impressed with hours of silence from the commission on May 9th as they rush to perform their magic behind the “secret situation room”.
The commission is ready to swap ballot boxes, create blackout, delay results announcement, and re-introduce new ballot boxes and whatnot. That’s why the commission tends to announce a higher turnout than the actual number in order to compensate for the so-called “missing” ballot boxes. Only a very high turnout could prevent the cheating.
That’s because the commission would look foolish if they announce a turnout of above 100%. In Malaysia, the Election Commission is the organiser, enforcer and judge. They’re ready to launch a daylight robbery to help Mr. Najib wins the contest. Sure you can sue the commission at the Kangaroo Court. But by then, Najib would have sworn in as the prime minister.
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